-^uc
THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY
EDITED BY
T. E. PAGE, LITT.D.
CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. W. H. D. ROUSE, utt.d.
CICEKO
DE OFFICIIS
I
M.TULLIUS CICERO.
rROMTHE JAMES LO£B COLLECTION .
^y^
CICERO
DE OFFICIIS
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
WALTER MILLER
PBOFESSOR OF LATIN IN IHE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOUEI
LONDON : WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD
NEW YORK : G. R PUTNAM'S SONS
MCMXXVIII
IV5
rhst printed 1913
Rtprinted 1921, 1928
PrxMtdin Oreat Brttain by Woods and Soni, Lld., LonJon, M. I
CONTENTS
Introduction
Fage ix
Bibliography
xiii
Bookl
1
Book 11
167
Book III
269
Index
405
INTRODUCTION
In the de Officiis we have, save for the latter
PhiUppicSj the great orator's last contribution to
literature. The last, sad, troubled years of his busj"^
life could not be given to his profession; and he
turned his never-resting thoughts to the second love
of his student days and made Greek philosophy a
possibihty for Roman readers. The senate had been
abohshed; the courts had been closed. His occupa-
tion was gone ; but Cicero could not surrender himself
to idleness. In those days of distraction (46-43 b.c.)
he produced for pubhcation almost as much as in all
his years of active life.
The liberators had been able to remove the tyrant,
but they could not restore the republic. Cicero's
own hfe was in danger from the fury of mad Antony
and he left Rome about the end of March^ 44 b.c.
He dared not even stop permanently in any one of
his various country estates, but, wretched^ wandered
from one of his villas to another nearly all the sum-
mer and autumn through. He would not suffer
himself to become a prey to his overwhelming sorrow
at the death of the repubhc and the final crushing
of the hopes that had risen with Caesar's downfall,
but worked at the highest tension on his philosophi-
cal studies.
The Romans were not philosophical. In l6l b.c.
the senate passed a decree excluding all philosophers
and teachers of rhetoric from the city. They had no
taste for philosophical speculation, in which the
Greeks were the world's masters. Thej' were in-
tenselyjnarrowlypractical. And Cicerowas thorough-
INTRODUCTION
ly lloman. As a studeiit in a Greek university he
had had to study philosophy. His mind was broad
enough and his soul great enough to give him a joy
iii foUowing after the mighty masters, Socrates, Plato,
Zeno, Cleanthes, Aristotle,Theophrastus,andtherest.
But he pursued his study of it, hke a Roman, from a
practical" motive — to promote thereby his poAver
^ an orator and to augment his success and happi-
ness in lifc. To him Ihe goal of pliilosoph^' was not
primarily to know but to do. Its end was to point
out the course of conduct that would lead to succcss
and happiness. The only side of philosophy, there-
fore, that could make much appeal to the Roman
mind was ethics; pure science could have httle
meaning for the practical Roman ; metaphysics might
supplement ethics and rehgion, without which true
happiness was felt to be impossible.
Philosophical study had its place, therefore, and
the most important department of philosophy was
ethics. The treatise on Moral Duties has the very
practical purpose of giving a practical discussion of
the basic principles of Moral Duty and practical
rules for personal conduct.
As a philosopher, if we may so stretch the term as
to include him, Cicero avows himself an adherent of
the New Academy and a disciple of Carneades. He
had tried Epicureanism under Phaedrus and Zeno,
Stoicism under Diodotus and Posidonius ; but Philo
of Larissa converted him to the New Academy.
Scepticism declared the attainment of absolute
knowledge impossible. But there is the easily obtain-
able golden mean of the probable ; and that appealed
to the practical Roman. It appealed especially to
Ciccro; and the same indccision that had been hvs
X
INTRODUCTION
bane in political life naturally led him first to scep-
ticism, then to eclecticism, where his choice is
dictated by his bias for the practical and his scepti-
cismitself disappears from view. Andwhile Antiochus,
the eclectic Academician of Athens, and Posidonius,
the eclectic Stoic of Rhodes, seem to have had the
strongest influcnce upon him, he draws at his own
discretion from the founts of Stoics, Peripatetics, and
Academicians aHke; he has only contempt for tlie
Epicureans, Cynics, and Cyrenaics. But the more he
studied and hved, the more of a Stoic in ethics he
became.
The cap-sheaf of Cicero's ethical studies is the
treatise on the Moral Duties. It takes the form of a
lctter addressed to his son Marcus (see Index), at this
time a youth of twenty-one, pursuing his university
studies in the Peripatetic school of Cratippus in
Athens, and sowing for what promised to be an
abundant crop of wild oats. This situation gives
force and definiteness to the practical tendencies of
the father's ethical teachings. And yet, be it ob-
served, that same father is not without censure for
contributing to his son's extravagant and riotous
living by giving him an allowance of nearly £870 a
year.
Our Roman makes no pretensions to originahty
in philosophic thinking. He is a follower — an ex-
positor — of the Greeks. As the basis of his discussion
of the Moral Duties he takes the Stoic Panaetius of
Rhodes (see Index), Uepl Kad-qKovTo<s, drawing also
from many other sources, but following liim more or
less closely in Books I and II ; Book III is more in-
dependent and much inferior. He is usually super-
ficial and not always clear. He translates and
xi
INTRODUCTION
paraphrases Greek philosophy, weaving in illustra-
tions from Roman history and suggestioiis of Roman
mould in a form intended to make it, if not popular,
at least comprehensible, to the Roman mind. How
well he succeeded is evidenced by the comparative
receptivity of Roman soil prepared by Stoic doctrine
for the teachings of Christianity. Indeed, Antliony
Trollope labels our author the Pagan Christian."
"You would fancy sometimes/' says Petrarch, it
is not a Pagan philosopher but a Christian apostle
who is speaking." No less an authority than
Frederick the Great has called our book the best
work on morals that has been or can be written."
Cicero himself looked upon it as his masterpiece.
It has its strength and its weakness — its sane
common sense and noble patriotism, its self-conceit
and partisan poHtics; it has the master's brilhant
style, but it is full of repetitions and rhetorical
flourishes, and it fails often in logical order and
power ; it rings true in its moral tone, but it shows
in what haste and distraction it was composed; for
it was not written as a contribution to close scientific
thinking; it was written as a means of occupation
and diversion.
xu
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The following works ai*e quoted in the critical
notes : —
MSS. A = codex Ambrosianm. Milan. lOth century,
B = codex Bambergensis. Hamburg. 1 Oth cen-
tury.
H = codex Herbipolitafius. Wiirzburg. 1 Oth cen-
tury.
Ij = codex Harleianus. London. 9th century.
a b = codices Bernenses. Bern. 1 Oth century.
c = codex Bemensis, Bern. 1 3tli century.
p = codex Palatinus, Rome. 12th century.
Editio Princeps : The first edition of the de OJJIciis
was from the press of Sweynheim and Pannartz
at the Monastery of Subiaco ; possibly the edi-
tion published by Fust and Schoffer at Mainz is
a little older. Both appeared in 1465. The
latter was the first to print the Greek words in
Greek type. The de Officiis is, therefore, the
fii*st classical book to be issued from a printing
press, witli the possible exception of Lactantius
and Cicero's de Oratore which bear the more
exact date of October 30, 14-65, and were like-
wise issued from the Monastery press at Subiaco.
Baiter Sf Kayser: M. TulHi Ciceronis opera quae su-
persunt omnia. Lipsiae, I86O-69.
Beier: M. TulUi Ciceronis de Officiis libri tres . . .
cum commentariis editi a Carolo Beiero. Lipsiae,
1820.
Erasmus: ]M. Tullii Ciceronis Officia, dihgenter
Melanchthon : f restituta. Ejusdem de Amicitia et
xiii
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Senectute dialogi . . , : cum annotationibun
Erasmi et P. Melanchthonis. Parisiis, ] 5SS.
Ed. : M. TulUi Ciceronis Scripta quae manserunt
omnia recognovit C. F. W. Miiller. Teubncr:
Lipsiae, 1 879. This edition is the basis of the
text of the present volume.
Emesti: M. TulHi Ciceronis opera ex recensione
novissima. J. A. Ernesti ; cum eiusdem notis,
et clave Ciceroniana. Editio prima Americana,
Bostoniae, 1815-16.
Facciolati: M. TulUi Ciceronis de Officiis Ubri tres, de
Senectutc, de Amicitia, de Somnio Scipionis,
et Paradoxa. Accedit Q. fratins commentariolum
petitionis. Ex recensione J. Facciolati. Venc-
tiis, 1747.
Fleckeisen, Alf. : Kritische Miscellen. Dresden, 1864,
Gernhard: M. TuUii Ciceronis de Officiis Ubri tres.
Rec. et schoUis lac. Facciolati suisque animad-
versionibus instruxit Aug. G. Gernhard. Lipsiae,
1811.
Graevius : M. TulUi Ciceronis de Officiis Ubri tres ; , . .
de Senectute ; . . . de Amicitia; Paradoxa;
Somnium Scipionis ; ex recen^ione J. G. Graevii.
Amstelodami, 1680.
Gtdiehnus :\M. Tullii Ciceronis opera omnia quae
Gruler: j extant . . , emendata studio . . .
J, GuUelmi et J. Gruteri. Hamburgi, 1618-19.
Ileine, Otto: M. TuUii Ciceronis de Officiis ad Mar-
cum FiUum Libri tres. 6te Aufl. Berlin, 188.5.
Heusinger: M. TuUii Ciceronis de Officiis Ubri tres
, , , recensuit adjectisque J. M. Heusingeri et
suis annotationibus , . . editurus erat J. F,
Heusinger. (Edited by C. Heusinger.) Bruns-
vigae, 1783,
xiv
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hotden : M. Tullii Ciceronis de Officiis libri tres, with
Introduction, Analysis and Commentary by
Herbert Ashton Holden. 7th Edition. Cam-
bridge, 1891. To his full notes the translator
is indebted for many a word and phrase.
Klotz: M. Tulhi Ciceronis Scripta quae manserunt
omnia. Recognovit Reinholdus Klotz. Lipsiae^
1850-57, 1869-74.
Lamhinus : M. Tullii Ciceronis opera omnia quae ex-
tant, a D. Lambino . . . ex codicibus manu-
scriptis emendata et aucta . . . Lutetiao,
1566-84.
Lange: M. Tullii Ciceronis de Officiis Hb. III. Cato
Major vel de Senectute . . . Laelius vel de Ami-
citia . . . Paradoxa Stoicorum sex, Somnium
Scipionis . . . opera C. Langii recogniti . . .
ejusdem in hosce . . . libros annobvtiones. Cum
annotationibus P. Manutii, etc. Antverpiae, 1 568.
Lund: De emendandis Cicei'onis libris de Officiis
observationes criticae. Scripsit G. F. G. Lund.
Kopenhagen, 1848.
Manutius: M. Tullii Ciceronis Officiorum Hbri tres:
Cato Maior, vel de Senectute: Laehus, vel de
Amicitia: Paradoxa Stoicorum sex . . . additae
sunt . . . variae lectiones, (Edited by P. Manu-
zio.) P. Manutius: Venetiis, 1541.
Muller, C. F. W.: M. Tulhi Ciceronis de Officiis
libri III. Fiir den Schulgebrauch erklart.
Leipzig, 1882.
Muretus: M. Antoni Mureti SchoHa in Cic. officia.
Mureti opera ed. Ruhnken. Lugd. Bat., 1879-
Orelli: | M. Tulhi Ciceronis opera quae supersunt
Baiier: \ omnia, ac deperditorum fragmenta . . .
Halm : ) Edidit J. C. Orellius (M. Tulhi Ciceronis
XV
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Scholiastae. C. M. Victorinus, Rufinus^ C. Julius
Victor, Boethius, Favonius Eulogius, Asconius
PedianuSj Scholia Bobiensia, Scholiasta Grono-
vianus, Ediderunt J. C. OrelHus et J. G. Baiter.
Turici, 1826-38). Ed. 2. Opus morte Orellii
interruptum contin. J. G. Baiterus et C. Halmius,
1845-62.
Pearce: M. Ciceronis de Officiis ad Marcum filium
libri tres. Notis illustravit et . . . emendavit
Z. Pearce. Londini, 1745.
Stuerenburg : M. Tullii Ciceronis de Officiis hbri III.
Recensuit R. Stuerenburg. Accedit Commenta-
rius. Lipsiae, 1843.
Unger: M. TulHi Ciceronis de Officiis hbri III.
Erklart v. G. F. Unger. Leipzig, 1852.
Victorius, P. : M. Tulhi Ciceronis opera, omnium
quae hactenus excusa sunt castigatissima, nunc
primum in lucem edita. 4 tom. Venetiis,
1532-34-36.
Zumpt : M. Tulhi Ciceronis de Officiis libri tres cum
selectis J. M. et J. F. Heusingerorum suisque
notis. Scholarum in usum iterum edidit Car.
Tim. Zumptius. Brunsvigae, 1849.
ztI
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
BOOK I
MORAL GOODNESS
LIBER PRIMUS
I. Quamquam te^ Marce filij annum iam audientem
Cratippum, idque AtheniSj abundare oportet prae-
ceptis institutisque philosophiae propter summam et
doctoris auctoritatem et urbis, quorum alter te scien-
tia augere potest, altera exemphs, tamen, ut ipse ad
meam utihtatem semper cum Graecis Latina coniunxi
neque id in philosophia solum, sed etiam in dicendi
exercitatione feci, idem tibi censeo faciendum, ut par
sis in utriusque orationis facultate. Quam quidem
ad rem nos, ut videmur, magnum attuhmus adiumen-
tum hominibus nostris, ut non modo Graecarum
htterarum rudes, sed etiam docti ahquantum se
arbitrentur adeptos et ad dicendum^ et ad iudican-
dum.
Quam ob rem disces tu quidem a principe huius
aetatis philosophorum, et disces, quam diu voles ; tam
diu autem velle debebis, quoad te, quantum proficias,
non paenitebit ; sed tamen nostra legens non multum
a Peripateticis dissidentia, quoniam utrique Socratici
et Platonici volumus esse, de rebus ipsis utere tuo
iudicio (nihil enim impedio), orationem autem Lati-
^dicendum Edd.j discendum MSS. (i.e. acquisition of
learning^).
2
BOOK I
1. My dear son Marcus, you have now been study- introducHon:
iug a full year under Cratippus, and that too in o^tomWning*^*
Athens, and you should be fuUy equipped with the Greek and Latin
practical precepts and the principles of philosoi^hy ; so
much at least one might expect from the pre-emi-
nence not only of your teacher but also of the city ;
the former is able to enrich you with learning, the
latter to supply you with models. Nevertheless, just
as I for my own improvement have always combined
Greek and Latin studies — and I have done this not
only in the study of philosophy but also in the prac-
bice of oratory — so I recommend that you should do
the same, so that you may have equal command of
both languages. And it is in this very direction that
I have, if I mistake not, rendered a great service
to our countrymen, so that not only those who are
unacquainted with Greek Hterature but even the
cultured consider that they have gained much both
in oratorical power and in mental training.
You will, therefore, learn from the foremost of Greek PhiT».
present-day philosophers, and you will go on learning cicero-s^own.
as long as you wish ; and your wish ought to continue
as long as you are not dissatisfied with the progress
you are making. For all that, if you will read my
philosophical books, you will be helped ; my philosophy
is not very difFerent from that of the Peripatetics (for
both they and I claim to be foUowers of Socrates and
Plato). As to the conclusions you may reach, I leave
that to your own judgment (for I would put no hind-
rance in your way), but by reading my philosophical
b2 ^
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
nam efficies profecto legendis nostris pleniorem. Nec
vero hoc arroganter dictum existimari velim. Nam
philosophandi scientiam concedens multis, quod est
oratoris proprium, apte, distincte, ornate dicere,
quoniam in eo studio aetatem consumpsi, si id mihi
assumo, videor id meo iure quodam modo vindicare.
Quam ob rem magnopere te hortor, mi Cicero, ut
non solum orationes meas, sed hos etiam de philo-
sophia libros, qui iam iUis fere se ^ aequarunt, studi-
ose legas ; vis enim maior in illis dicendi, sed hoc
quoque colendum est aequabile et temperatum ora-
tionis genus. Et id quidem nemini video Graecorum
adhuc contigisse, ut idem utroque in genere elabo-
raret ^ sequereturque et illud forense dicendi et hoc
quietum disputandi genus, nisi forte Demetrius Pha-
lereus in hoc numero haberi potest, disputator sub-
tilis, orator parum vehemens, dulcis tamen, ut
Theophrasti discipulum possis agnoscere. Nos autem
quantum in utroque profecerimus, aliorum sit iu-
dicium, utrumque certe secuti sumus
Equidem et Platonem existimo, si genus forense
dicendi tractare voluisset, gravissime et copiosissime
potuisse dicere, et Demosthenem, si illa, quae a
Platone didicerat, tenuisset et pronuntiare voluisset,
ornate splendideque facere potuisse; eodemque
modo de Aristotele et Isocrate iudico, quorum uter-
que suo studio delectatus contempsit alterum.
^se A c, Edd. ; not in B H a b p.
^ elaboraret Lambin., Edd. ; laboraret MSS.
«Cicero is alluding to his Republic, Tusculan Disputations,
Theories of the Supreme Good and Evil, The Nature of the
Gods, Academics, Hortensius, his essays on Friendship
(Laelius), Old Agre (Cato), Fate, Divination, etc. (15 in all).
4
BOOK I. i
writings you will be sure to render your mastery of
the Latin language more complete. But I would by
no means have you think that this is said boastfuUy.
For there are many to whom I yield precedence in
knowledge of philosophy ; but if I lay claim to tlie
orator's pecuhar abihty to speak with propriety,
clearness, elegance, I think my claim is in a measure
justified, for I have spent my life in that profession,
And therefore, my dear Cicero, I cordially re- PWiosophy
, , n Ti 1 i-ii andoratory,
commend you to read careiully not oniy my orations but
also these* books of mine on philosophy, which are
now about as extensive. For while the orations ex-
hibit a more vigorous style, yet the unimpassioned,
restrained style of my philosophical productions is
also worth cultivating. Moreover, for the same man
to succeed in both departments, both in the forensic
style and in that of calm philosophic discussion has
not, I observe, been the good fortune of any one of the
Greeks so far, unless, perhaps, Demetrius of Phalerum
can be reckoned in that number — a clever reasoner,
indeed, and, though rather a spiritless orator, he is
yet charming, so that you can recognize in him the
disciple of Theophrastus. But let others judge how
much I have accomphshed in each pursuit; I have
at least attempted both.
I believe, of course, that if Plato had been willing
to devote himself to forensic oratory, he could have
spoken with the greatest eloquence and power; and
that if Demosthenes had continued the studies he
pursued with Plato and had wished to expound his
views, he could have done so with elegance and
brilHancy. I feel the same way about Aristotle and
Isocrates, each of whom, engrossed in his own pro-
fession, undervalued that of the other.
5
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
II. Sed cum statuissem scribere ad te aliquid hoc
tempore, multa posthac, ab eo ordiri maxime volui,
quod et aetati tuae esset aptissimum et auctoritati
meae. Nam cum multa sint in philosophia et gravia
et utilia accurate copioseque a philosophis disputata,
latissime patere videntur ea, quae de officiis tradita
ab iUis et praecepta sunt. Nulla enim vitae pars
neque publicis neque privatis neque forensibus neque
domesticis in rebus, neque si tecum agas quid, neque
si cum altero contrahas, vacare officio potest, in eo-
que et colendo sita vitae est honestas omnis et negle-
gendo^ turpitudo.
5 Atque haec quidem quaestio communis est omnium
philosophorum ; quis est enim, qui nulUs officii prae-
ceptis tradendis philosophum" se audeat dicere ? Sed
sunt non nuUae disciplinae, quae propositis bonorum
et malorum finibus officium omne pervertant. Nam
qui summum bonum sic instituit, ut nihil habeat cum
virtute coniunctum, idque suis commodis, non hone-
state metitur, hic, si sibi ipse consentiat et non in-
terdum naturae bonitate vincatur neque amicitiam
colere possit nec iustitiam nec Uberalitatem ; fortis
vero dolorem summum malum iudicans aut temperans
voluptatem summum bonum statuens esse certe nuUo
modo potest.
6 Quae quamquam ita sunt in promptu, ut res dis-
i2ff.'"Tusc. putatione non egeat, tamen sunt a nobis alio loco
de off' nT' disputata. Hae discipUnae igitur si sibi consentaneae
117
^et neglegendo A H a b, Edd.; et in neglegendo B c.
6
BOOK I. i\
IT. But sii.v-c I liave decided to write you a little statementof
now (and a great deal by and by), I wish, if possible, ^" ^^"^ '
to begin with a matter most suited at once to your
years and to my position. Although philosophy
ofFers many problems, both important and useful,
that have beer fully and carefully discussed by
philosophers, those teachings which have been
handed down on the subject of moral duties seem
to have the widest practical application. For no
phase of life, whether public or private, whether in
business or in the home, whether one is working on
what concerns oneself alone or dealing with
another, can be without its moral duty; on the
discharge of such duties depends all that is morally
right, and on their neglect all that is morally wrong
in life.
Moreover, the subject of this inquiry is the com- The phiiosopWi
mon property of all philosophers ; for who would ethicai teachim
presume to call himself a philosopher, if he did not
inculcate any lessons of duty ? But there are some
schools that distort all notions of duty by the theories
they propose touching the supreme good and the
supreme evil. For he who posits the supreme good
as having no connection with virtue and measures it
not by a moral standard but by his own interests —
if he should be consistent and not rather at times
over-ruled by his better nature, he could value
neither friendship nor justice nor generosity; and
brave he surely cannot possibly be that counts pain
the supreme evil, nor temperate he that holds
pleasure to be the supreme good.
Although these truths are so self-evident that the Reasons for
subject does not call for discussion, still I have dis- subject°and
cussed it in another connection. If, therefore, these authonties.
7
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
velint esse, de officio nihil queant dicere, neque ulla
officii praecepta firma, stabilia, coniuncta naturae
tradi possunt nisi aut ab iis, qui solam, aut ab iis, qui
maxime honestatem propter se dicant expetendam.
Ita propria est ea praeceptio Stoicorum, Academico-
rum, Peripateticorum, quoniam Aristonis, Pyrrhonis,
Erilli iam pridem explosa sententia est; qui tamen
haberent ius suum disputandi de officio, si rerum ali-
quem dilectum^ reliquissent, ut ad officii inventionem
aditus esset. Sequemur ^ igitur hoc quidem tempore et
hac in quaestione potissimum Stoicos non ut interpre-
tes, sed,ut solemus, e fontibus eorum iudicio arbitrioque
nostro, quantum quoque modo videbitur, hauriemus.
Placet igitur, quoniam omnis disputatio de officio
futura est, ante definire, quid sit officium; quod a
Panaetio praetermissum esse miror. Omnis enim,
quae [a] ratione^ suscipitur de aUqua re institutio,
debet a definitione proficisci, ut intellegatur, quid sit
id, de quo disputetur. . . .^
III. Omnis de officio duplex est quaestio: unum
genus est, quod pertinet ad finem bonorum, alterum,
quod positum est in praeceptis, quibus in omnis partis
usus vitae conformari ^ possit. Superioris generis huius
modi sunt exempla: omniane officia perfecta sint,
num quod officium aliud aho maius sit, et quae sunt
generis eiusdem. Quorum autem officiorum praecepta
traduntur,ea quamquam pertinent ad finem bonorum,
tamen minus id apparet, quia magis ad institutionem
vitae communis spectare videntur; de quibus est
' dilectutn B H a b, Edd.; delectum A c.
* sequemur Graevius, Edd. ; sequimur MSS.
*[a] ratione Ed. ; a ratione MSS. ; ratione Miiller.
*Cicero's definifion must have followed here, something'
like Omne igitur, quod ratione actum est officium appellamus
Unger. ^ conformari Edd. ; confirmari MSS. (i.e. fortified).
8
BOOK I. ii-iii
schools should claim to be consistent, they could not
say anything about duty ; and no fixed, invariable,
natural rules of duty can be posited except by those
who say that moral goodness is worth seeking solely
or chiefly for its own sake. Accordingly, the teach-
ing of ethics is the pecuhar right of the Stoics, the
Academicians, and the Peripatetics ; for the theories
of Aristo, Pyrrho, and Erillus have been long since
rejected; and yet they would have the right to dis-
cuss duty if they had left us any power of choosing
between things, so that there might be a way of
fmding out what duty is. I shall, therefore, at this
time and in this investigation follow chiefly the
Stoics, not as a translator, but, as is my custom, I
shall at my own option and discretion draw from
those sources in such measure and in such manner
as shall suit my purpose.
Since, therefore, the whole discussion is to be on
the subject of duty, I should hke at the outset to
define what duty is, as, to my surprise, Panaetius has
failed to do. For every systematic development of any
subject ought to begin with a definition, so that every
one may understand what the discussion is about.
III. Every treatise on duty has two parts : one,deal- ciassification
ing with the doctrine of the supreme good ; the other, °* ^^^'^^-
with tlie practical rules by which daily hfe in all its
bearings may be regulated. The following questions
are illustrative of the first part: whether all duties
are absolute ; whether one duty is more important
than another; and so on. But as regards special
duties for which positive rules are laid down, though
they are affected by the doctrine of the supreme
good, still the fact is not so obvious, because they
seem rather to look to the regulation of every-day
9
CICERO DE OFFICITS
nobis his libris explicandum. Atque etiam alia divisio
est officii.
8 Nam et medium quoddam officium dicitur et per-
fectum. Perfectum officium rectum, opinor, vocemus,
quoniam Graeci Karopdoifia, hoc autem commune
officium Ka^TjKovvocant.^ Atque ea sic definiunt, ut,
rectum quod sit, id officium perfectum esse definiant ;
medium autem officium id esse dicunt, quod cur fa-
ctum sit, ratio probabilis reddi possit.
9 Triplex igitur est, ut Panaetio videtur, consilii
capiendi dehberatio. Nam aut honestumne factu sit
an turpe dubitant id, quod in deliberationem cadit;
in quo considerando saepe animi in contrarias senten-
tias distrahuntur. Tum autem aut anquirunt^ aut con-
sultant, ad vitae commoditatem iucunditatemque, ad
facultates rerum atque copias, ad opes, ad potentiam,
quibus et se possint iuvare et suos, conducat id necne,
de quo dehberant ; quae dehberatio omnis in rationem
utihtatis cadit. Tertium dubitandi genus est, cum
pugnare videtur cum honesto id, quod videtur esse
utile ; cum enim utihtas ad se rapere, honestas contra
revocare ad se videtur, fit ut distrahatur in deHbe-
rando animus afferatque ancipitem curam cogitandi.
10 Hac divisione, cum praeterire ahquid maximum
vitium in dividendo sit, duo praetermissa sunt ; nec
^ officium Ko.Qr\Kov vocani Pearce, Ed., Heine ; officium
vocant MSS., Bt. ^anquirunt A B H b ; inquirunt a c.
* Cicero's technical terms are difficult because he has to
invent them to translate Greek that is perfectly simple:
rectum is 'right,' i.e. perfect, absolute. Its opposite is
medium, 'mean,'i.e. intermediate, fallingshortof the 'abso-
lute ' and occupying a middle ground ; common ; ordinary.
hon stum is ' morally right '; as a noun, ' moral goodness'
( = honestas) ; its opposite is turfie, 'morally wrong.'
honestas is ' moral rectitude,' — ' moral goodness'; 'mo-
rality '; its opposite turpitudo, ' moral wrong,' ' immorality.*
10
^ JOK I. iii
life; and it is thcse special duties that I propose to
treat at length in the following books.
And yet there is still another classification of
duties: we distinguish between mean"* duty, so-
calledj and ' absolute" duty. Absolute duty we
may, I presume. call right/' for the Greeks call it
KaTopdw/J-a, whilc the ordinary duty they call KaQyjKov.
And the meaning of those terms they fix thus : what-
ever is right they define as absolute duty, but
' mean" duty, they say, is duty for the performance
of which an adequate reason may be rendered.
The consideration necessary to determine conduct The threefold
is, therefore, as Panaetius thinks, a threefold one : Setius"'" °'
first, people que tion wliether the contemplated act
is morally right or morally wrong; and in such
dehberation their minds are often led to widely
divergent conclusions. And then they examine and
consider the question whether the action contem-
plated is or is not conducive to comfort and happiness
in Ufe, to the command of means and wealth, to
influence, and to power, by which they may be able
to help themselves and their friends; this whole
matter turns upon a question of expediency. The
third type of question arises when that which seems
to be expedient seems to conflict with that which is
morally right ; for when expediency seems to be pull-
ing one way, while moral right seems to be calling
back in the opposite direction, the result is that the
mind is distracted in its inquiry and brings to it the
irresolution that is born of deliberation.
Although omission is a most serious defect in The question is
classification, two points have been overlooked in
honestus, on the other hand, is always ' honourable '; and
honores are always ' offices of honour.'
11
CICERO DE OFFICTTS
enim solum utrum honestum an turpe sit, deliberari
solet, sed etiam duobus propositis honestis utrum
honestius, itemque duobus propositis utilibus utrum
utilius. Ita, quam ille triplicem putavit esse rationem,
in quinque partes distribui debere reperitur. Primum
igitur est de honesto, sed dupliciter, tum pari ratione
de utili, post de comparatione eorum disserendum.
11 IV. Principio generi animantium omni est a natura
tributum, ut se, vitam corpusque tueatur, declinet ea,
quae nocitura videantur, omniaque, quae sint ad vi-
vendum necessaria, anquirat et paret, ut pastum, ut
latibula, ut alia generis eiusdem. Commune item^
animantium omnium est coniunctionis adpetitus pro-
creandi causa et cura quaedam eorum, quae procreata
sint^; sed inter hominem et beluam hoc maxime in-
terest, quod haec tantum, quantum sensu movetur,
ad id solum, quod adest quodque praesens est, se accom-
modat paulum admodum sentiens praeteritum aut fu-
turum ; homo autem, quod rationis est particeps, per
quam consequentia cernit, causas rerum videt earum-
que praegressus' et quasi antecessiones non ignorat,
similitudinescomparatrebusquepraesentibusadiungit
atque annectit futuras, facile totius vitae cursum videt
ad eamque degendam praeparat res necessarias.
12 Eademque natura vi rationis hominem conciliat
homini et ad orationis et ad vitae societatem inge-
^item Manutius, Edd. ; autem MSS.
^procreata sint B H a b; procreata sunt A. (?), Bt.; pro-
creantur c. ^ praegressus A H a b, lS.Ad,; progressus B c
aFor Panaetius was a Stoic, and the Stoics did notadmit
that there were any degrees of right or wrong.
12
BOOK I. iii-iv
the foregoing:* for we usually consider not only
whether an action is morally right or morally wrong',
but also, when a choice of two morally right courses
is offered, which one is morally better ; and hkewise,
when a choice of two expedients is offeredj which onf
is more expedient. Thus the question which Panaetiui
thought threefold ought, we find, to be divided into
five parts. First, therefore, we must discuss the moral
— and that, under two sub-heads ; secondly, in the
same manner, the expedient; and finally, the cases
where they must be weighed against each other.
IV. First of all, Nature has endowed every species The essentlai
of hving creature with the instinct of self-preserva- betwe^en man
tion, of avoiding what seems hkely to cause injury andthelower
to hfe or Hmb, and of procuring and providing every-
thing needful for hfe — food, shelter, and the Hke.
A common property of all creatures is also the
reproductive instinct (the purpose of which is the
propagation of the species) and also a certain amount instinct and
of concern for their offspring. But the most marked ^^^°"-
difference between man and beast is this : the beast,
just as far as it is moved by the senses and with
very httle perception of past or future, adapts itself
to that alone which is present at the moment ; while
man — because he is endowed with reason, by which
he comprehends the chain of consequences, perceives
the causes of things, understands the relation of
cause to effect and of effect to cause, draws analogies,
and connects and associates the present and the
future — easily surveys the course of his whole hfe
and makes the necessary preparations for its conduct.
Nature hkewise by the power of reason associates
man with man in the common bonds of speech and FakJiy ties.
hfe; she implants in him above all, I may say, a
13
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
neratque in primis praecipuum quendam amorem in
eos^ qui procreati sunt, impellitque, ut hominum
coetus et celebrationes et esse et a se obiri velit ob
easque causas studeat parare ea, quae suppeditent ad
cultum et ad victumj nec sibi solij sed coniugi^ liberis
eeterisque, quos caros habeat tuerique debeat; quae
cura exsuscitat etiam animos et maiores ad rem ge-
rendam facit.
13 In primisque hominis est propria veri inquisitio
atque/ investigatio. Itaque cum sumus necessariis
negotiis curisque vacui, tum avemus aliquid videre,
audire, addiscere cognitionemque rerum aut occul-
tarum aut admirabihum ad beate vivendum neces-
sariam ducimus. Ex quo intellegitur, quod verum,
simplex sincerumque sit, id esse naturae hominis
aptissimum. Huic veri videndi cupiditati adiuncta
est appetitio quaedam principatus, ut nemini parere
animus bene informatus a natura velit nisi praeci-
pienti aut docenti aut utiUtatis causa iuste et legi-
time imperanti; ex quo magnitudo animi existit
humanarumque rerum contemptio.
14 Nec vero illa parva vis naturae est rationisque,
quod unum hoc animal sentit, quid sit ordo, quid
sit, quod deceat, in factis dictisque qui modus.
Itaque eorum ipsorum, quae aspectu sentiuntur, nul-
lum aliud animal pulchritudinem, venustatem, con-
venientiam partium sentit ; quam similitudinem natura
ratioque ab ocuhs ad animum transferens multo etiam
14
BOOK I. iv
strangely tender love for his offspring. She also
prompts men to meet in companies, to form pubhc
assemblies and to take part in them themselves ; and
she further dictates, as a consequence of this, the
effort on man's part to provide a store of things that
minister to his comforts and vv^ants — and not for
himself alone, but for his wife and children and the
others whom he holds dear and for whom he ought
to provide; and this responsibihty also stimulates
his (courage) and makes it stronger for the active
duties ^^i^T~~~--/UjSr / j4^/(^**^
Above all, the search after truth and its eager Search after
pursuit are pecuhar to man. And so, when we have *^'^"'"*
leisure from the demands of business cares, we are
eager to see, to hear, to learn something new, and
we esteem a desire to know the secrets or wonders
of creation as indispensable to a happy hfe. Thus
we come to understand that what is true, simple,
and genuine appeals most strongly to a man's
nature. To this passion for discovering truth there
is added a hungering, as it were, for independence,
so that a mind well-moulded by Nature is unwilling
to be subject to anybody save one who gives rules of
conduct or is a teacher of truth or who, for the
general good, rules according to justice and law,
From this attitude come greatness of soul and a sense
of superiority to worldly conditions.
And it is no mean ihanifestation of Nature and Moral
Reason that man is the only animal that has a feel- sensibiUty.
ing for order,forpropriety,for moderation in word and
deed. And so no other animal has a sense of beauty,
lovehness, harmony in the visible world ; and Nature
and Reason, extending the analogy of this from the
world of sense to the world of spirit, find that beauty,
15
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
magis pulchritudinem, constantiam, ordinem in con-
siliis factisque conservandam ^ putat cavetque, ne
quid indecore efFeminateve faciat, tum in omnibus et
opinionibus et factis ne quid libidinose aut faciat
aut cogitet.
Quibus ex rebus conflatur et efficitur id, quod
quaerimus, honestum, quod etiamsi nobihtatum non
sit, tamen honestum sit, quodque vere dicimus,
etiamsi a nullo laudetur, natura esse laudabile.
15 V. Formam quidem ipsam, Marce fih, et tamquam
faciem honesti vides, quae si ocuhs cerneretur,
Phaedr., mirabiles amores," ut ait Plato, excitaretsapientiae."
Sed omne, quod est honestum, id quattuor partium
oritur ex ahqua : aut enim in perspicientia veri soller-
tiaque versatur aut in hominum societate tuenda
tribuendoque suum cuique et rerum contractarum
fide aut in animi excelsi atque invicti magnitudine
ac robore aut in omniura, quae fiunt quaeque dicun-
tur, ordine et modo, in quo inest modestia et
temperantia.
(15) Quae quattuor quamquam inter se colhgata atque
imphcata sunt, tamen ex singuhs certa officiorum
genera nascuntur, velut ex ea parte, quae prima
discripta ^ est, in qua sapientiam et prudentiam
ponimus, inest indagatio atque inventio veri, eiusque
16 virtutis hoc munus est proprium. Ut enim quisque
maxime perspicit, quid in re quaque verissimum sit,
^ conservandam MSS. ; conservanda codd. aliquot recen-
tiores, Bt.
* discripta Heinc ; descripia MSS., Bt.
*Cicero plays on the double meaning- of honestum: (i)
'moral goodness,' and (2) 'honourable, ' distinguished,
etc.
16
;nOK I. iv-v
consistency, order 'rp. far more to be maintained in
thought and deed^ and the same Nature and Reason
are careful to do nothing in an improper or unmanly
fashion^ and in every thought and deed to do or
think nothing capriciously.
It is from these elements that is forged and
fashioned that moral goodness which is the subject
of this inquiry — something that, even though it be
not generally ennobled, is still worthy of all honour*;
and by its own nature, we correctly maintain, it
merits praise, even though it be praised by none.
V. You see here, Marcus, my son^ the very form and
as it were the face of Moral Goodness ; and if," as
Plato says, it could be seen with the physical eye^ it
would awaken a marvellous love of wisdom." But
all that is morally right rises from some one of
four sources, : it is concerned either (l) with the The four Car-
full perception and intelHgent development of the
true; or (2) with the conservation of organized
society, with rendering to every man his due, and
with the faithful discharge of obligations assumed ;
or (3) with the greatness and strength of a noble
and invincible spirit; or (4) with the orderliness
and moderation of everything that is said and done,
wherein consist temperance and self-control.
Although these four are connected and inter- Theirseverai
woven, still it is in each one considered singly that P''°^'°'^®^"
certain definite kinds of moral duties have their
origin: in that category^ for instance^ which was
designated first in our division and in which we
place wisdom and prudence, belong the search after
truth and its discovery; and this is the pecuHar
province of that virtue. For the more clearly any-
one observes the most essential truth in any given
c 17
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
quique acutissime et celerrime potest et videre et
explieare rationem, is prudentissimus et sapientissi-
mus rite haberi solet. Quocirca huic quasi materia,
quam tractet et in qua versetur^ subiecta est veritas.
17 ReHquis autem tribus virtutibus necessitates pro-
positae sunt ad eas res parandas tuendasque, quibus
actio vitae contineturj ut et societas hominum con-
iunctioque servetur et animi excellentia magnitudoque
cum in augendis opibus utiHtatibusque et sibi et
suis comparandis, tum multo magis in his ipsis
despiciendis eluceat. Ordo autem^ et constantia
et moderatio et ea, quae sunt his simiHa, versantur
in eo genere, ad quod est adhibenda actio quaedam,
non solum mentis agitatio. lis enim rebus, quae
tractantur in vita^ modum quendam et ordinem
adhibentes honestatem et decus conservabimus.
18 VI. Ex quattuor autem locis^ in quos honesti na-
turam vimque divisimus, primus ille, qui in veri
cognitione consistit, maxime naturam attingit huma-
nam. Omnes enim trahimur et ducimur ad cogni-
tionis et scientiae cupiditatem, in qua excellere
pulchrum putamus, labi autem, errare, nescire, decipi
et malum et turpe ducimus.^ In hoc genere et
naturaH et honesto duo vitia vitanda sunt, unum, ne
incognita procognitis habeamus iisque temere assenti-
amur; quod vitium efFugere qui volet (omnes autem
1 autem MSS., Muller, Heine ; item Pearce, Ed., Bt.
2 ducimus c, Edd. ; dicimtis A B H a b.
18
BOOK I. v-vi
case and the more quickly and accurately he can
see and explain the reasons for itj the more under-
standing and wise he is generally esteemed, and
justly so. Soj then^ it is truth that is, as it were,
the stufF with which this virtue has to deal and on
which it employs itself.
Before the three remaining virtues^ on the other
handj is set the task of providing and maintaining
those things on which the practical business of Hfe
depends, so that the relations of man to man in
human society may be conserved, and that largeness
and nobility of soul may be revealed not only in
increasing one's resources and acquiring advantages
6or one's self and one's family but far more in rising
superior to these very things. But orderly behaviour
and consistency of demeanour and self-control and
the like have their sphere in that department of
things in which a certain amount of physical exer-
tionj and not mental activity merely, is required.
For if we bring a certain amount of propriety and
order into the transactions of daily life, we shall be
conserving moral rectitude and moral dignity.
VI. Now, of the four divisions which we have a. Wisdom
made of the essential idea of moral goodness, the
first, consisting in the knowledge of truth, touches
human nature most closely. For we are all attracted
and drawn to a zeal for learning and knowing ; and
we think it glorious to excel therein, while we count
it base and immoral to fall into error, to wander
from the truth, to be ignorant, to be led astray. In
this pursuit, which is both natural and morally
right, two errors are to be avoided : first, we must
not treat the unknown as known and too readily
accept it ; and he who wishes to avoid this error (as
c2 19
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
velle debent), adhibebit ad considerandas res et
19 tempus et diligentiam. Alterum est vitium, quod
quidam nimis magnum studium multamque operam
in res obscuras atque difficiles conferunt easdemque
non necessarias.
Quibus vitiis declinatis quod in rebus honestis et
cognitione dignis operae curaeque ponetur, id iure
laudabitur, ut in astrologia C. Sulpicium audivimus,
in geometria Sex. Pompeium ipsi cognovimus, multos
in dialecticis, plures in iure civili, quae omnes artes
in veri investigatione versantur ; cuius studio a rebus
gerendis abduci contra officium est. Virtutis enim
laus omnis in actione consistit ; a qua tamen fit in-
termissio saepe multique dantur ad studia reditus;
tum agitatio mentis, quae numquam acquiescit, po-
test nos in studiis cognitionis etiam sine opera
nostra continere. Omnis autem cogitatio motusque
animi aut in consiliis capiendis de rebus honestis et
pertinentibus ad bene beateque vivendum aut in
studiis scientiae cognitionisque versabitur.
Ac de primo quidem officii fonte diximus.
20 VII. De tribus autem reliquis latissime patet ea
ratio, qua societas hominum inter ipsos et vitae quasi
communitas continetur; cuius partes duae,^ iustitia,
in qua virtutis est splendor maximus, ex qua viri
bonl nominantur, et huic coniuncta beneficentia,
* cognttionis A, Bt., Miiller, Heine ; cogitationis BH a b c
(error caused by cogitatio in next line).
^partes duae BH b ; partes duae sunt c, Bt., Heine
20
BOOK I. vi-vii
all should do) will devote both time and attention
to the weighing of evidence. The other error is
that some people devote too much industry and too
deep study to matters that are obscure and difficult
and useless as well.
If these errors are successfully avoided^ all the
labour and pains expended upon problems that are
morally right and worth the solving will be fully
rewarded. Such a worker in the field of astronomy,
for example, was Gaius Sulpicius, of whom we have
heard; in mathematics, Sextus Pompey, whom I
have known personally; in dialectics, many; in civil
law, still more. All these professions are occupied
with the search after truth; but to be drawn by
study away from active life is contrary to moral
duty. For the whole glory of virtue is in activity ;
activity, however, may often be interrupted, and
many opportunities for returning to study are opened.
Besides, the working of the mind, which is never at
rest, can keep us busy in the pursuit of knowledge
even without conscious effort on our part. More-
over, all our thought and mental activity will be
devoted either to planning for things that are mor-
ally right and that conduce to a good and happy Ufe,
or to the pursuits of science and learning.
With this we close the discussion of the first
source of duty.
VII. Of the three remainlng divisions, the most B. justice
extensive in its application is the principle by which
society and what we may call its common bonds"
are maintained. Of this again there are two
divisions — ^justice, in which is the crowning glory
of tlie virtues and on the basis of which men are
called good men"; and, close akin to justice,
21
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
quam eandem vel benignitatem vel liberalitatem
appellari licet.
Sed iustitiae primum munus estj ut ne cui quis
noceat nisi lacessitus iniuria, deinde ut communibus
pro communibus utatur, privatis ut suis.
21 Sunt autem privata nulla natura, sed aut vetere
occupationCj ut qui quondam in vacua venerunt, aut
victoria, ut qui bello potiti sunt, aut lcge, pactione,
condicionCj sorte ; ex quo fitj ut ager Arpinas Arpi-
natium dicatur, Tusculanus Tusculanorum ; similisque
est privatarum possessionum discriptio.'' Ex quo,
quia suum cuiusque fit eorum, quae natura fuerant
communia, quod cuique obtigit, id quisque teneat;
e quo ^ si quis sibi appetet, violabit ius humanae socie-
tatis.
22 Sed quoniam, ut praeclare scriptum est a Platone,
Ep IX, ad non nobis solum nati sumus ortusque nostri partem
Archytam,
368 A patria vindicat, partem amici, atque, ut placet Stoicis,
quae in terris gignantur, ad usum hominum omnia
creari, homines autem hominum causa esse generatos,
ut ipsi inter se aHis alii prodesse possent, in hoc
naturam debemus ducem sequi, communes utihtates
in medium afFerre mutatione officiorum, dando acci-
^discriptio B, Edd. ; descriptio A II a b c.
^e quo A' H a b c, Miiller ; eo B, de quo Bt. (suppl.), Heine.
22
i^^^y^
BOOK I. vii
charity, which may also be called kindness orj^ene-
fosity:
T-he first office of justice is to keep one man from
doing harm to another, unless provoked by vprong ;
anJ the next is to lead men to use common posses-
sions fcr the common interests, private property
for their omil
There is, ho"wa\er no such thing as private PubUc
ownership estabhshed bj nature, but property be- prrvate
comes private either through long occupancy (as in interests.
the case of those who long ago settled in unoccupied
territory) or through conquest (as in the case of
those who took it in war) or by due process of law,
bargain, or purchase, or by allotment. On this prin-
ciple the lands of Arpinum are said to belong to the
Arpinates, the Tusculan lands to the Tusculans ; and
similar is the assignment of private property. There-
fore, inasmuch as in each case some of those things
which by nature had been common property be-
eame the property of individuals, each one should
retain possession of that which has fallen to his lot ;
and if anyone appropriates to himself anything
beyond that, he will be violating the laws of human
society.
But since, as Plato has admirably expressed it, we
are not born for ourselves alone, but our country
claims a share of our being, and our friends a share;
and since, as the Stoics hold, everything that the
earth produces is created for man's use ; and as men,
too, are born for the sake of men, that they may be
able mutually to help one another ; in this direction
we ought to follow Nature as our guide, to contri-
bute to the general good by an interchange of acts
of kindness, by giving and reeeiving, and thus by
23
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
piendo, tum artibus, tum operaj tum facultatibus
devincire hominum inter homines societatem.
23 Fundamentum autem est iustitiae fides, id est
dictorum conventorumque constantia et veritas.
Ex quo^ quamquam hoc videbitur fortasse cuipiam
durius, tamen audeamus imitari Stoicos, qui studiose
exquirunt, unde verba sint ducta, credamusque, quia
fiatj quod dictum est, appellatam fidem.
Sed iniustitiae genera duo sunt^ unum eoi-um, qui
inferunt, alterum eorum_, qui ab iis, quibus infertur,
si possunt, non propulsant iniuriam. Nam qui iniuste
impetum in quempiam facit aut ira aut aliqua pertur-
batione incitatus, is quasi manus afferre videtur socio ;
qui autem non defendit nec obsistit, si potest, iniuriae,
tam est in vitio, quam si parentes aut amicos aut
24 patriam deserat. Atque illae quidem iniuriae, quae
nocendi causa de industria inferuntur, saepe a metu
proficiscuntur, cum is, qui nocere alteri cogitat, timet
ne, nisi id fecerit, ipse aliquo afficiatur incommodo.
Maximam autem partem ad iniuriam faciendam ag-
grediuntur, ut adipiscantur ea, quae concupiverunt ;
in quo vitio latissime patet avaritia.
25 VIII. Expetuntur autem divitiae cum ad usus
vitae necessarios, tum ad perfruendas voluptates.
In quibus autem maior est animus, in iis pecuniae
cupiditas spectat ad opes et ad gratificandi facul-
tatem, ut nuper M. Crassus negabat ullam satis
^Of course, ' g-ood faith' and ' made gfood' have just as
little etymological connedl;ion a.sjiat a.ndjidem.
24
300K I. vii-viii
our skill, c _..austry, and our talents to cement
human society more closely together, man to man.
The foundation of justice^ moreover, is good faith — Cood faith.
that is, truth and fidehty to promises and agree-
ments. And therefore \ve may follow the Stoics,
who diligently investigate the etymology of words ;
and we may accept their statement that good faith "
is so called because what is promised is made good/'
although some may find tliis derivation^ rather far-
fetched.
There ar^ ■-■. the other hand, two kinds of injus- injustice:
tice — tht. -^ the part of those who inflict wrong, passive.
the other o> ;art of those who, when they can, do
not shield from wrong those upon whom it is being
inflicted. For he who, under the influence of anger
or some other passion, wrongfully assaults another
seems, as it were, to be laying violent hands upon a
comrade; b ,". ''.c who does not prevent or oppose
wrong, if he can, is just as guilty of wrong as if he
desei-ted his parents or his friends or his country.
Then, too, those very wrongs which people try to in-
flict on purpose to injure are often the result of fear:
that is, he who premeditates injuring another is
afraid that, if he does not do so, he may himself be
made to sufler some hurt. But for the most part,
people are led to wrong-doing in order to secure
some personal end ; in this vice, avarice is generally
the controlling motive.
VIII. Again, men seek riches partly to supply
the needs of hfe, partly to secure the enjoyment of
pleasure. With those who cherish higher ambitions, The dangers of
the desire for wealth is entertained with a view to *"^ * ""^*
power and influence and the means of bestowing
favours ; Marcus Crassus, for example, not long since
25
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magnam pecumam esse ei, qui in re publica princeps
vellet esse, cuius fructibus exercitum alere non pos-
set. Delectant etiam magnifici apparatus vitaeque
cultus cum elegantia et copia ; quibus rebus efFectum
estj ut infinita pecuniae cupiditas esset. Nec vero
rei familiaris amplificatio nemini nocens vituperanda
estj sed fugienda semper iniuria est.
26 Maxime autem adducuntur plerique, ut eos iusti-
tiae capiat oblivio, cum in imperiorum, honorum,
gloriae cupiditatem inciderunt. ^ Quod enim est
apud Ennium:
Niilla sancta societas
Nec fides regni est,
id latius patet. Nam quicquid eius modi est, in quo
non possint plures excellerej in eo fit plerumque
tanta contentio, ut difficillimum sit servare san-
ctam societatem." Declaravit id modo temeritas C.
Caesaris, qui omnia iura divina et humana pervertit
propter eum, quem sibi ipse opinionis errore finxerat,
principatum. Est autem in hoc genere molestum,
quod in maximis animis splendidissimisque ingeniis
plerumque exsistunt honoris, imperii, potentiae,
gloriae cupiditates. Quo magis cavendum est, ne
quid in eo genere peccetur.
27 Sed in omni iniustitia permultum interest, utrum
' tnciderunt A B H L a b ; inciderint c.
26
BOOK I. viii
declared that no amount of wealth was enough for
the man who aspired to be the foremost citizen of
the state, unless with the income from it he could
maintain an army. Fine establishments and the
comforts of life ia elegance and abundance also
afFord pleasure, and the desire to secure it gives rise
to the insatiable thirst for wealth. Still, I do not
mean to find fault with the accumulation of property,
provided it hurts nobody, but unjust acquisition of
it is always to be avoided.
The great majority of people, however, when
they fall a prey to ambition for either mihtary or
civil authority, are carried away by it so completely
that they quite lose sight of the claims of justice.
For Ennius says :
There is no fellowship inviolate,
No faith is keptj when kingship is concerned;"
and the truth of his words has an uncommonly wide
appHcation. For whenever a situation is of such
a nature that not more than one can hold pre-
eminence in it, competition for it usually becomes
so keen that it is an extremely difficult matter to
maintain a fellowship inviolate." We saw this caesar.
proved but now in the efFrontery of Gaius Caesar,
who, to gain that sovereign power which by a
depraved imagination he had conceived in his fancy,
trod underfoot all laws of gods and men. But the
trouble about this matter is that it is in the greatest
souls and in the most brilliant geniuses that we usually
find ambitions for civil and mihtary authority,for power,
and for glory, springing up ; and therefore we must be
the more heedful not to go wrong in that direction.
But in any case of injustice it makes a vast deal Themotivesto
gn. wrong.
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perturbatione aliqua animi, quae plerumque brevis
est et ad tempus^ an consulto et cogitata ^ fiat iniuria.
Leviora enim sunt ea, quae repentino aliquo motu
accidunt, quam ea, quae meditata et praeparata in-
feruntur.
Ac de inferenda quidem iniuria satis dictum est.
28 IX. Praetermittendae autem defensionis deseren-
dique officii plures solent esse causae ; nam aut ini-
micitias aut laborem aut sumptus suscipere nolunt
aut etiam neglegentiaj pigritia, inertia aut suis studiis
quibusdam occupationibusve sic impediuntur, ut eos,
quos tutari debeant, desertos esse patiantur. Itaque
fsiff. ; ' videndum est^ ne non satis sit id^ quod apud Plato-
VII, 520 D nem est in philosophos dictum, quod in veri investi-
gatione versentur quodque ea, quae plerique vehe-
menter expetant/ de quibus inter se digladiari
soleant^ contemnant et pro nihilo putent, propterea
iustos esse. Nam alterum [iustitiae genus] asse-
quuntur^^ ut* inferenda ne cui noceant iniuria^ in
alterum incidunt^; discendi enim studio impediti,
Rop. I, quos tueri debent, deserunt. Itaque eos ne ad rem
pubHcam quidem accessuros putat nisi coactos.
Aequius autem erat id voluntate fieri; nam hoc ipsum
ita iustum est, quod recte fit^ si est voluntarium.
29 Sunt etiam, qui aut studio rei famiharis tuendae
aut odio quodam hominum suum se negotium agere
' cogitata A B H a b p, Edd.; cogitatu c, cogitato alii,
Madvig- (ad De Fin. p. 696).
^e.vpetant A B a b; expectant H ; exspcctant c.
^alterum iustitiae genus assequuntur MSS. ; alterum asse-
quuntur Pearce, J. M. Heusiiiger, et al.; alterum genus
assequuntur Beier.
*ut Halm ; in MSS.; om. Bt.
"m alterum incidunt A B H a b ; «n altero dcllnqunt c,
Bt. {delinquunt, i.e. they offend in tlie other dircction).
28
347 C
BOOK I. viii-ix
of diiference whether the wrong is done as a result
of some impulse of passion^ which is usually brief
and transientj or whether it is committed wilfully and
with premeditation ; for ofFences that come through
some sudden impulse are less culpable than those
committed designedly and with malice aforethought.
But enough has been said on the subject of
inflicting injury.
IX. The motives for failure to prevent injury and Motiyes to pas-
so for slighting duty are likely to be various: people ^'^'''"J"' "^®-
either are reluctant to incur enmity or trouble or
expense; or through indifference, indolence, or in-
competence, or through some preoccupation or self-
interest they are so absorbed that they suffer those to a. Preoccupa-
be neglected whom it is their duty to protect. And *'°°'
so there is reason to fear that what Plato declares
of the philosophers may be inadequate, when he
says that they are just because they are busied with
the pursuit of truth and because they despise and
count as naught that which most men eagerly seek
and for which they are prone to do battle against
each other to the death. For they secure one sort
of iustice, to be sure^ in that they do no positive
wrong to anyone^ but they fall into the opposite
injustice ; for hampered by their pursuit of learning
they leave to their fate those whom they ought to
defend. And so, Plato thinks, they will not even
assume their civic duties except under compulsion.
But in fact it were better that they should assume
them of their own accord; for an action intrin-
sically right is just only on condition that it is
voluntary.
There are some also who^ either from zeal in b. Seif-interest.
attending to their own business or through some
29
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dicant nec facere cuiquam videantur iniuriam. Qui
altero genere iniustitiae vacant, in alterum incurrunt ;
deserunt enim vitae societatem, quia nihil conferunt
in eam studii, nihil operae, nihil facultatum.
Quando igitur duobus generibus iniustitiae propo-
sitis adiunximus causas utriusque generis easque res
ante constituimus, quibus iustitia contineretur, facile,
quod cuiusque temporis officium sit, poterimus^ nisi
30 nosmet ipsos valde amabimus, iudicare; est enim
Heaut. difficilis cura rerum alienarum. Quamquam Teren-
Tim. 77. jf
tianus ille Chremes humani nihil a se alienura
putat"; sed tamen, quia magis ea percipimus atque
sentimus, quae nobis ipsis aut prospera aut adversa
eveniunt, quam illa, quae ceteris, quae quasi longo
intervallo interiecto videmus, aliter de ilHs ac de
nobis iudicamus. Quocirca bene praecipiunt, qui
vetant quicquam agere, quod dubites aequum sit an
iniquum. Aequitas enim lucet ipsa per se, dubitatio
cogitationem significat iniuriae.
31 X. Sed incidunt saepe tempora, cum ea, quae
maxime videntur digna esse iusto homine eoque,
quem virum bonum dicimus, commutantur fiuntque
contraria, ut reddere depositum, facere promissum-
quaeque pertinent ad veritatem et ad fidem, ea mi-
30
BOOK I. ix-x
sort of aversion to their fellow-men, claim that they
are occupied solely with their own affairs, without
seeming to themselves to be doing anyone any injury.
But while they steer clear of the one kind of injustice,
they fall into the other : they are traitors to social
Hfe, for they contribute to it none of their interest,
none of their efFort, none of their means.
Now since we have set forth the two kinds of Ruies of duty
injustice and assigned the motives that lead to each, j^^g^JJgg'^ ^^
and since we have previously established the prin-
ciples by which justice is constituted, we shall be in
a position easily to decide what our duty on each
occasion iSj unless we are extremely self-centred ; for
indeed it is not an easy matter to be really concerned
with other people's afFairs ; and yet in Terence's play,
we know, Chremes thinks that nothing that concerns
man is foreign to him." Nevertheless, when things
tum out for our own good or ill, we realize it more
fully and feel it more deeply than when the same
things happen to others and we see them only, as it
wer3, in the far distanee; and for this reason we
judge their case differently from our own. It is,
therefore, an excellent rule that they give who bid us
not to do a thing, when there is a doubt whether it
be right or wrong ; for righteousness shines with a
briljiance of its own, but doubt is a sign that we are
thinking of a possible wrong.
X. But occasions often arise, when those duties change of duty
which seem most becoming to the just man and to '° change of cir-
the good man," as we call him, undergo a change
and take on a contrary aspect. It may, for example,
not be a duty to restore a trust or to fulfil a promise,
and it may become right and proper sometimes to
evade and not to observe what truth and honour
31
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grare interdum et non servare fit iustum. Referri
Ch. vii enim decet ad ea, quae posui principio^ fundamenta
iustitiae^ primum ut ne cui noceatur, deinde ut com-
muni utilitati serviatur. Ea cum tempore commu-
tantur, commutatur officium et non semper est
32 idem. Potest enim accidere promissum aliquod et
conventum, ut id effici sit inutile vel ei, cui pro-
missum sitj vel ei, qui promiserit Nam si, ut in
e.g. Eur. fabulis est, Neptunus, quod Theseo promiserat,
Hipp.
1315-1319 non fecisset, Theseus Hippolyto filio non esset
orbatus ; ex tribus enim optatis^ ut scribitur, hoc erat
tertium^ quod de Hippolyti interitu iratus optavit;
quo impetrato in maximos luctus incidit. Nec pro-
missa igitur servanda sunt ea^ quae sint iis, quibus
promiseriSj inutilia^ nec, si plus tibi ea noceant quam
ilH prosint, cui promiseris, contra officium est maius
anteponi minori ; ut, si constitueris cuipiam te advo-
catum in rem praesentem esse venturum atque
interim graviter aegrotare filius coeperit, non sit
contra officium non facere, quod dixeris, magisque
ille, cui promissum sit, ab officio discedat, si se
destitutum queratur. lam illis promissis standum
non esse quis non videt, quae coactus quis metu,
^cut B a, Edd, ; cui quod H b ; cui quid A c.
*The three wishes were: (i) safe return from Hades;
(2) escape frora the Labyrinth; (3) the death of Hippolytus.
32
BOOK I. X
would usually demand. For we may well be guided
by those fundamental principles of justice which I
laid down at the outset : first, that no harm be done
to anyone; second, that the common interests be
conserved. When these are modified under changed
circumstances, moral duty also undergoes a change,
;ind it does not always remain the same. For a given
promise or agreement may turn out in such a way Non-fulfilment
that its performance will prove detrimental either to ° P"^"™'*^*-
the one to whom the promise has been made or to
the one who has made it. If, for example, Neptune,
in the drama, had not carried out his promise to
Theseus, Theseus would not have lost his son
Hippolytus; for, as the story runs, of the three
wishes^ that Neptune had promised to grant him the
third was this : in a fit of anger he prayed for the
death of Hippolytus, and the granting of this prayer
plunged him into unspeakable grief. Promises are,
therefore, not to be kept, if the keeping of them Is
to prove harmful to those to whom you have made
them ; and, if the fulfilment of a promise should do
more harm to you than good to him to whom you
have made it, it is no violation of moral duty to give
the greater good precedence over the lesser good.
For example, if you have made an appointment with
anyone to appear as his advocate in court, and if in
the meantime your son should fall dangerously ill, it
would be no breach of your moral duty to fail in what
you agreed to do; nay, rather, he to whom your
promise was given would have a false conception of
duty, if he should complain that he had been deserted
in his time of need. Further than this, who fails to
see that those promises are not binding which are
extorted by intimidation or which we make when
D 3.a
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quae deceptus dolo promiserit? quae quidem pleraque
iure praetorio liberantur, non nulla legibus.
S3 Exsistunt etiam saepe iniuriae calumnia quadam et
nimis callida^ sed malitiosa iuris interpretatione. Ex
quo illud Summum ius summa iniui*ia" factum est
iam tritum sermone proverbium. Quo in genere
etiam in re publica multa peccantur, ut ille, qui, cum
triginta dierum essent cum hoste indutiae factae,
noctu populabatur agros, quod dierum essent pactae,
non noctium indutiae. Ne noster quidem probandus,
si verum est Q. Fabium Labeonem seu quem alium
(nihil enim habeo praeter auditum) arbitrum Nolanis
et Neapolitanis de finibus a senatu datum, cum ad
locum venisset, cum utrisque separatim locutum, ne
cupidequid agerent, ne appetenter, atque ut regredi
quam progredi mallent. Id cum utrique fecissent,
aliquantum agri in medio relictum est. Itaque
illorum finis sic, ut ipsi dixerant, terminavit ; in medio
relictum quod erat, populo Romano adiudicavit.
Decipere hoc quidem est, non iudicare. Quocirca in
omni est re fugienda taHs sollertia.
XI. Sunt autem quaedam officia etiam adversus
eos servanda, a quibus iniuriam acceperis. Est enim
ulciscendi et puniendi modus; atque haud scio an
satis sit eum, qui lacessierit, iniuriae suae paenitere,
*Each praetor, at his inauguration, announced publicly
the principles and policies that should gulde him in the
administration of his office. These were the source of the
his Praetorium, which explained and supplemented the
common law (/«s Civile) and even modified its ancient
rigour so as to conform with a more advanced public senti-
ment, and form a most valuable part of the body of Roman
Law.
hThis story is told of Cleomenes, King' of Sparta (520-
491 B.C.), in the war with Argos. (Plutarch, Apophth.
Lacon. 223 A.)
34
BOOK I. x-xi
misled by false pretences? Such obligations ai*e
annulled in most cases by the praetor's edict in
equity/ in some cases by the laws.
Injustice often arises also through chicanery^ that Chicanery.
is, through an over-subtle and even fraudulent con-
struction of the law. This it is that gave rise to the
now famihar saw, More law^ less justice." Through
such interpretation also a great deal of wrong is
committed in transactions between state and state ;
thus, when a truce had been made with the enemy
for thirty days, a famous general'' went to ravaging
their fields by night^ because, he said, the truce
stipulated 'days," not nights. Not even our own
countryman's action is to be commended, if what is
told of Quintus Fabius Labeo is true — or whoever it
was (for I have no authority but hearsay) : appointed
by the Senate to arbitrate a boundary dispute be-
tween Nola and Naples, he took up the case and
interviewed both parties separately, asking th.em not
to proceed in a covetous or grasping spirit, but to
make some concession rather than claim some acces-
sion. When each party had agreed to this, there
was a considerable strip of territory left between
them. And so he set the boundary of each city
as each had severally agreed ; and the tract in be-
tween he awarded to the Roman People. Now that
is swindhng, not arbitration. And therefore such
sharp practice is under all circumstances to be
avoided.
XI. Again, there are certain duties that we owe Our duty to
even to those who have wronged us. For there is a wrongrd us^^^^
limit to retribution and to punishment ; or rather, I
am inclined to think, it is sufficient that the aggressor
should be brought to repent of his wrong-doing, in
d2 $&
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ut et ipse ne quid tale posthac et ceteri sint ad
iniuriam tardiores.
34 Atque in re publica maxime conservanda sunt
iura belli. Nam cum sint duo genera decertandi,
unum per disceptationem, alterum per vim, cumque
illud proprium sit hominis, hoc beluarum, confugien-
dum est ad posterius, si uti non licet superiore.
35 Quare suscipienda quidem bella sunt ob eam causam,
ut sine iniuria in pace vivatur, parta autem victoria
conservandi ii, qui non crudeles in bello, non im-
manes fuerunt, ut maiores nostri Tusculanos, Aequos,
Volscos, Sabinos, Hernicos in civitatem etiam acce-
perunt, at Carthaginem et Numantiam funditus sus-
tulerunt; nollemCorinthum,sedcredoaliquid secutos,
opportunitatem loci maxime, ne posset aliquando ad
bellum faciendum locus ipse adhortari. Mea quidem
sententia paci, quae nihil habitura sit insidiarum,
semper est consulendum. In quo si mihi esset op-
temperatum, si non optimam, at aliquam rem publi-
cam^ quae nunc nulla est, haberemus.
Et cum iis, quos vi deviceris, consulendum est, tum
ii, qui armis positis ad imperatorum fidem confugient,
quamvis murum aries percusserit, recipiendi. In quo
tantopere apud nostros iustitia culta est, ut ii, qui
36
BOOK I. xi
order that he may not repeat the ofFence and that
others may be deterred from doing wrong.
!4 Then, too, in the case of a state in its external
relations, the rights of war must be strictly observed.
For since there are two ways of settling a dispute :
first, by discussion; second, by physical force; and
since the former is characteristic of man, the latter
of the brute, we must resort to force only in case
i5 we may not avail ourselves of discussion. The only Excuse for war.
excuse, therefore, for going to war is that we may
live in peace unharmed; and when the victory is
won, we should spare those who have not been
blood-thirsty and barbarous in their warfare. For Justicetoward
instance, our forefathers actually admitted to full ^ vanquis ea
rights of citizenship the Tusculans, Aequians, Vol-
scians, Sabines, and Hernicians, but they razed
Carthage and Numantia to the ground. I wish they
had not destroyed Corinth ; but I beheve they had
some special reason for what they did — its con-
venient situation, probably — and feared that its very
location might some day furnish a temptation to
renew the war. In my opinion, at least, we should
always strive to secure a peace that shall not admit
of guile. And if my advice had been heeded on
this point, we should still have at least some sort of
constitutional government, if not the best in the
world, whereas, as it is, we have none at all.
Not only must we show consideration for those
whom we have conquered by force of arms but we
must also ensure protection to those who lay down
their arms and throw themselves upon the mercy of
our generals, even though the battering-ram has
hammered at their walls. And among our country-
men justice has been observed so conscientiously in
37
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civitates aut nationes devictas bello in fidem recepis-
sentj earum patroni essent more maiorum.
36 Ac belli quidem aequitas sanctissime fetiali populi
Romani iure perscripta est. Ex quo intellegl potest
nullum bellum esse iustum, nisi quod aut rebus repe-
titis geratur aut denuntiatum ante sit et indictum.
[Popilius imperator tenebat provinciam, in cuius
exercitu Catonis filius tiro militabat. Cum autem
Popilio videretur unam dimittere legionem^ Catonis
quoque filium, qui in eadem legione militabat, dimisit.
Sed cum amore pugnandi in exercitu remansisset,
Cato ad Popilium scripsit, ut, si eum patitur^ in
exercitu remanere, secundo eum obliget militiae
sacramento, quia priore amisso iure cum hostibus
37 pugnare non poterat. Adeo summa erat observatio
in bello movendo.]^ M. quidem Catonis senis est
epistula ad M. filiunij in qua scribit se audisse eum
missum factum esse a consule, cum in Macedonia
bello Persico miles esset. Monet igitur, ut caveat,
ne proelium ineat; negat enim ius esse, qui miles
non sit, cum hoste pugnare.
XII. Equidem etiam illud animadverto, quod, qui
proprio nomine perduellis esset, is hostis vocaretur,
lenitate verbi rei tristitiam mitigatam. Hostis enim
apud maiores nostros is dicebatur, quem nunc pere-
^Popilitis . . . movendo bracketed by Madvig, Edd. ; Popilius
. . . poterat bracketed by Unger.
^patitur A B H a b ; patiatur c.
» Lucius Aemilius Paulus (b.C. i68).
88
BOOK I. xi-xii
this direction, that tliose who have given promise of
protection to states or nations subdued in war become,
after the custom of our forefathers, the patrons of
those states.
36 As for war, humane laws touching it are drawn Thehumanity
up in the fetial code of the Roman People under all «f ^a"'^ '^'''^
the guarantees of reHgion ; and from this it may be
gathered that no war is just, unless it is entered upon
after an official demand for satisfaction has been sub-
mitted or warning has been given and a formal decla-
ration made. Popihus was general in command of
a province. In his army Cato's son was serving on
his first campaign. When PopiHus decided to dis-
band one of his legions, he discharged also young
Cato who was serving in that same legion, But
when the young man out of love for the service
stayed on in the field, his father wrote to Popihus to
say that if he let him stay in the army, he should
swear him into service with a new oath of allegiance,
for in view of the voidance of his former oath he
could not legally fight the foe. So extremely scrupu-
lous was the observance of the laws in regai-d to tlie
37 conduct of war. There is extant, too, a letter of the
elder Marcus Cato to his son Marcus, in which he writes
that he has heard that the youth has been discharged
by the consul,* when he was serving in Macedonia in
the war with Perseus. He warns him, therefore, to be
careful not to go into battle ; for, he says, the man who is
not legally a soldier has no right to be fighting the foe.
XII. This also I observe — that he who would
properly have been called a fighting enemy "
{perduellis) was called " a guest " ihostis), thus re-
heving the ughness of the fact by a softened
expression; for "enemy" {hostis) meant to our an-
39
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grinum dicimus. Indicant duodecim tabulae: aut
STATUS DIES CUM HOSTE, itcmque : ADVERSUS HOSTEM
AETERNA AUCTORiTAS. Quid ad lianc mansuetudinem
addi potest, eum, quicum bellum geras, tam molli
nomine appellare? Quamquam id nomen durius
efFecit^ iam vetustas; a peregrino enim recessit et
proprie in eo, qui arma contra ferret, remansit.
38 Cum vero de imperio decertatur belloque quaeritur
gloria, causas omnino subesse tamen oportet easdem,
quas dixi paulo ante iustas causas esse bellorum.
Sed ea bella, quibus imperii proposita gloria est,
minus acerbe gerenda sunt. Ut enim cum civi
aliter contendimus, si^ est inimicus, aliter, si com-
petitor (cum altero certamen honoris et dignitatis
est, cum altero capitis et famae), sic cum Celtiberis,
cum Cimbris bellum ut cum inimicis gerebatur, uter
esset, non uter imperaret, cum Latinis, Sabinis, Sam-
nitibus, Poenis, Pyrrho de imperio dimicabatur.
Poeni foedifragi, crudelis Hannibal, reliqui iustiores.
Pyrrhi quidem de captivis reddendis illa praeclara :
Ennius, Ncc mi aurum posco nec mi pretium dederitis,
Ann. VI. r tr
Vah'en2, Ncc^ cauponantes bellum, sed belligerantes
2^1 Ferro, non auro vitam cernamus utrique.
' effecit Edd. ; efficit MSS.
^ cuni cive [Edd.: ctvi] aliter contendimus st h, Anemoe-
cius, Edd.; ctim civiliter contetidimns aliter 5/ A B H a b c.
^Nec A B H b c; Non L p, Bt., Heine.
40
BOOK I. xii
cestors what we now call stranger " {peregrinus) .
This is proved by the usage in the Twelve Tables:
Or a day fixed for trial with a stranger" {hostis).
And again: Right of ownership is inaHenable for
ever in deahngs with a stranger" (hostis). What
can exceed such charity, when he with whom one is
at war is called by so gentle a name? And yet
long lapse of time has given that word a harsher
meaning : for it has lost its signification of stranger "
and has taken on the technical connotation of an
enemy under arms."
But when a war is fought out for supremacy and justice in war.
when glory is the object of war, it must still not fail
to start from the same motives which I said a moment
ago were the only righteous grounds for going to
war. But those wars which have glory for their end
must be carried on with less bitterness. For we
contend, for example, with a fellow-citizen in one
way, if he is a personal enemy, in another^ if he is a
rival: with the rival it is a struggle for office and
position, with the enemy for Hfe and honour. So
with the Celtiberians and the Cimbrians we fought
as with deadly enemies, not to determine which
should be supreme, but which should survive ; but
with the Latins, SabineSj Samnites, Carthaginians,
and Pyrrhus we fought for supremacy. The Cartha-
ginians violated treaties ; Hannibal was cruel ; the
others were more merciful. From Pyrrhus we have
this famous speech on the exchange of prisoners :
Goldwill I none, nor price shall yegive; forlasknone;
Come, let us not be chaifrers of war, but warriors
embattled.
Nay; let us venture our hves, and the sword, not
gold, weigh the outcome.
41
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Vosne velit an me regnare era, quidve ferat Fors,
Virtute experiamur. Et hoc simul accipe dictum :
Quorum virtuti^ belli fortuna pepercit,
Eorundem libertati me parcere certum est.
Dono, ducite, doque volentibus cum magnis dis.
Regalis sane et digna Aeacidarum genere sententia.
39 XIII. Atque etiam si quid singuli temporibus
adducti hosti promiserunt, est in eo ipso fides con-
servanda, ut primo Punico bello Regulus captus a
Poenis cum de captivis commutandis Romam missus
esset iurassetque se rediturum, primum, ut venit,
captivos reddendos in senatu non censuit, deinde,
cum retineretur a propinquis et ab amicis, ad suppli-
cium redire maluit quam fidem hosti datam fallere.
40 [Secundo autem Punico bello post Cannensem
pugnam quos decem Hannibal Romam astrictos
misit iure iurando se redituros esse, nisi de redi-
mendis iis, qui capti erant, impetrassent, eos omnes
^virtvii h B" L c, Edd.; virtute B' H b; virtutei Vzhltn,
42
ROOK I. xii-xiii
Make we the trial by valour in arms and see if Dame
Fortune
Wills it that ye shall prevail or I^ or what be her
judgment.
Hear thou, too, this word, good Fabricius: whose
valour soever
Spared hath been by the fortune of war — their
freedom I grant them.
Such my resolve. I give and present them to you,
my brave Romans ;
Take them back to their homes ; the great gods'
blessings attend you."
A right kingly sentiment this and worthy a scion of
the Aeacidae.
XIII. Again, if under stress of circumstances Fideiity to n
individuals have made any promise to the enemy, RT^r'^^! s
they are bound to keep their word even then. For
instance, in the First Punic War, when Regulus was
taken prisoner by the Carthaginians, he was sent
to Rome on parole to negotiate an exchange of
prisoners; he came and, in the first place, it was
he that made the motion in the senate that the
prisoners should not be restored ; and in the second
place, when his relatives and friends would have
kept him back, he chose to return to a death by
torture rather than prove false to his promise, though
given to an enemy.
And again in the Second Punic War, after the (2) Hannibal's
Battle of Cannae, Hannibal sent to Rome ten Roman ^^'^°'^^'
captives bound by an oath to return to him, if they
did not succeed in ransoming his prisoners ; and as
long as any one of them hved, the censors kept them
all degraded and disfranchised, because they were
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censores, quoad quisque eorum vixit, qui peierassent,
in aerariis reliquerunt nee minus illum, qui iuris
iurandi fraude culpam invenerat. Cum enim Hanni-
balis permissu exisset de eastris, rediit paulo post,
quod se oblitum nescio quid diceret ; deinde egressus
e castris iure iurando se solutum putabat, et erat
verbis, re non erat. Semper autem in fide quid
senseris, non quid dixeris, cogitandum.
Maximum autem exemplum est iustitiae in hostem
a maioribus nostris constitutum, cum a Pyrrho per-
fuga senatui est polHcitus se venenum regi daturum
et eum necaturum, senatus et C. Fabricius perfugam
Pyrrho dedidit. Ita ne hostis quidem et potentis
et bellum ultro inferentis interitum cum scelere
approbavit.]^
41 Ac de bellicis quidem officiis satis dictum est.
Meminerimus autem etiam adversus infimos iusti-
tiam esse servandam. Est autem infima condicio et
fortuna servorum, quibus non male praecipiunt qui
ita iubent uti, ut mercennariis : operam exigendam,
iusta praebenda.
Cum autem duobus modis, id est aut vi aut fraude,
fiat iniuria, fraus quasi vulpeculae, vis leonis videtur ;
utnimque homine alienissimum, sed fraus odio digna
^Secundo . . . re non erat om. L c; Sccundo . . . appro-
havit om. A B H a b p, Edd.
44
BOOK I. xiii
guilty of perjury in not returning. And they punished
in hke manner the one who had incurred guilt by an
evasion of his oath: with Hannibars permission this
man left the camp and returned a Httle later on the
pretext that he had forgotten something or other ;
and then, when he left the camp the second time, he
claimed that he was released from the obhgation of
his oath ; and so he was^ according to tlie letter of it,
but not according to the spirit. In the matter of a
promise one must always consider the meaning and
not the mere words.
Our forefathers have given us another striking
example of justice toward an enemy : when a de-
serter from Pyrrhus promised the senate toadminister
poison to the king and thus work his death, the
senate and Gaius Fabricius dehvered the deserter
up to Pyrrhus. Thus they stamped with their dis-
approval the treacherous murder even of an enemy
who was at once powerful, unprovoked, aggressive,
and successful.
With this I will close my discussion of the duties
connected with war.
But let us remember that we must have regard Justicetoward
for justice even towards the humblest. Now the
humblest station and the poorest fortune are those
of slaves ; and they give us no bad rule who bid us
treat our slaves as we should our employees: they
must be required to work ; they must be given their
dues.
While wrong may be done, then, in either of two injustice cf
waysj that is, by force or by fraud, both are bestial : '^yp"'^'''^^-
fraud seems to belong to the cunning fox, force to
the hon; both are wholly unworthy of man, but
fraud is the more contemptible. But of all forms of
4>5
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maiore. Totius autem iniustitiae nulla capitalior quam
eorumj qui tum, cum maxime fallunt^ id agunt, ut
viri boni esse videantur.
De iustitia satis dictum.
Ch. VII 42 XIV. DeincepSj ut erat propositum, de benefi-
centia ac de liberalitate dicatur, qua quidem nihil
est naturae hominis accommodatius, sed habet multas
cautiones. Videndum est enim, primum ne obsit
benignitas et iis ipsis, quibus benigne videbitur fieri,
et ceteris, deinde ne maior benignitas sit quam
facultates, tum ut pro dignitate cuique tribuatur;
id enim est iustitiae fundamentum, ad quam haec
referenda sunt omnia. Nam et qui gratificantur
cuipiam, quod obsit illi, cui prodesse velle videantur,
non benefici neque liberales, sed perniciosi assenta-
tores iudicandi sunt, et qui aliis nocent, ut in alios
liberales sint, in eadem sunt iniustitia, ut si in suam
rem aliena convertant.
43 Sunt autem multi, et quidem cupidi splendoris et
gloriae, qui eripiunt aliis, quod aliis largiantur, iique
arbitrantur se beneficos in suos amicos visum iri, si
locupletent eos quacumque ratione. Id autem tan-
tum abest ab ^ officio, ut nihil magis officio possit esse
contrarium. Videndum est igitur, ut ea liberalitate
utamur, quae prosit amicis, noceat nemini. Quare
L. Sullae, C. Caesaris pecuniarum translatio a iustis
' ab c, Edd.; not in A B U L b.
46
BOOK I. xiii-xiv
injustice, none is more flagrant than that of the
hypocrite who^ at the very moment when he is most
false, makes it his business to appear virtuous.
This must conclude our discussion of justice.
XIV. Next in order, as outhned above, let us Justice and
speak of kindness and generosity. Nothing appeals
more to the best in human nature than this, but it
calls for the exercise of caution in many particulars :
we must, in the fii*st place, see to it that our act of
kindness shall not prove an injury either to the
object of our beneficence or to others; in the second
place, that it shall not be beyond our means ; and
finally, that it shall be proportioned to the worthiness
of the recipient; for this is the corner-stone of
justice; and by the standard of justice all acts of
kindness must be measured. For those who confer
a harmful favour upon some one whom they seem-
ingly wish to help are to be accounted not generous
benefactors but dangerous sycophants; and likewise
those who injure one man, in order to be generous
to another, are guilty of the same injustice as if
they diverted to their own accounts the property of
their neighbours.
Now, there are many — and especially those who Generosity must
are ambitious for eminence and glory — who rob one (i) hurtful to uo
to enrich another ; and they expect to be thought °°®>
generous towards their friends, if they put them in
the way of getting rich, no matter by what means.
Such conduct, however, is so remote from moral
duty that nothing can be more completely opposed
to duty. We must, therefore, take care to indulge
only in such hberahty as will help our friends and
hurt no one. The conveyance of property by Lucius
SuUa and Gaius Caesar from its rightful owners to
47
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dominis ad alienos non debet liberalis videri; nihil
est enim liberale, quod non idem iustum.
44 Alter loeus erat cautionis, ne benignitas maior
esset quam facultates, quod, qui benigniores volunt
esse, quam res patitur, primum in eo peccant, quod
miuriosi sunt in proximos ; quas enim copias his ^ et
suppeditari aequius est et relinqui, eas transfex-unt
ad ahenos. Inest autem in taU Uberalitate cupiditas
plerumque rapiendi et auferendi per iniuriam, ut ad
largiendum suppetant copiae. Videre etiam hcet
plerosque non tam natura liberales quam quadam
gloria ductos, ut benefici videantur, facere multa,
quae proficisci ab ostentatione magis quam a volun-
tate videantur. Tahs autem simulatio vanitati esl
coniunctior quam aut hberahtati aut honestati.
45 Tertium est propositum, ut in beneficentia dilectus
esset dignitatis ; in quo et mores eius erunt spectandi,
in quem beneficium conferetur, et animus erga nos et
communitas ac societas vitae et ad nostras utihtates
officia ante collata ; quae ut concurrant omnia, opta-
bile est ; si minus, plures causae maioresque ponderis
plus habebunt.
46 XV. Quoniam autem vivitur non cum perfectis
^his H a, Edd.; iis A.Bh; eish c.
48
BOOK I. xiv-xv
the hands of strangers should^ for that reason, not
be regarded as generosity ; for nothing is generous,
if it is not at the same time just.
The second point for the exercise of caution was (2) within our
that our beneficence should not exceed our means;
for those who wish to be more open-handed than
tlieir circumstances permit are guilty of two faults :
first, they do wrong to their next of kin; for they
transfer to strangers property which would more
justly be placed at their service or bequeathed to
them. And second, such generosity too often en-
genders a passion for plundering and misappropriating
property, in order to supply the means for making
large gifts. We may also observe that a great many
people do many things that seem to be inspired
more by a spirit of ostentation than by heart-felt
kindness; for such people are not really generous
but are rather influenced by a sort of ambition to
make a show of being open-handed. Such a pose
is nearer akin to hypocrisy than to generosity or
moi'al goodness.
The third rule laid down was that in acts of (3) according tc
kindness we should weigh with discrimination the
worthiness of the object of our benevolence; we
should take into consideration his moral character,
his attitude toward us, the intimacy of his relations
to us, and our common social ties, as well as the
services he has hitherto rendered in our interest.
It is to be desired that all these considerations
should be combined in the same person; if they
are not, then the more numerous and the more
important considerations must have the greater
weight.
XV. Now, the men we hve with are not perfect
E 49
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hominibus planeque sapientibus, sed cum iis, in quibus
praeclare agitur si sunt simulacra virtutis, etiam hoc
intellegendum puto, neminem omnino esse negle-
gendumj in quo aliqua significatio virtutis appareat,
colendum autem esse ita quemque maxime, ut quis-
que maxime virtutibus his lenioribus erit ornatus,
modestia, temperantia, hac ipsa, de qua multa iam
dicta sunt, iustitia. Nam fortis animus et magnus
in homine non perfecto nec sapiente^ ferventior ple-
rumque est, illae virtutes bonum virum videntur
potius attingere.
Atque haec in moribus.
47 De benivolentia autem, quam quisque habeat erga
nos, primum illud est in officio, ut ei plurimum tri-
buamus, a quo plurimum diligamur,^ sed benivolen-
tiam non adulescentulorum more ardore quodam
amoris, sed stabilitate potius et constantia iudicemus.
Sin erunt merita, ut non ineunda, sed referenda sit
gratia, maior quaedam cura adhibenda est; nullum
enim officium referenda gratia magis necessarium
est.
Quodsi ea, quae utenda acceperis, maiore mensura,
si modo possis, iubet reddere Hesiodus, quidnam
beneficio provocati facere debemus ? an imitari agros
fertiles, qui multo plus efferunt quam acceperunt?
Etenim si in eos, quos speramus nobis profuturos,
non dubitamus officia conferre, quales in eos esse
debemus, qui iam profuerunt ? Nam cum duo genera
' sapiente MSS. ; sapienti Wesenberg-, Bt.
2 diligamur A B^ H L b c ; diligiynur BS Bt'.
50
BOOK I. XV
and ideally wise, but men who do very well, if there
be found in them but the semblanee of virtue. I
therefore think that this is to be taken for granted.
that no one should be entirely neglected who shows
any trace of virtue ; but the more a man is endowed
with these finer virtues — temperance, self-control,
and that very justice about which so much has al-
ready beensaid — the more lie deserves to befavoured.
I do not mention fortitude, for a courageous spirit
in a man who has not attained perfection and ideal
wisdom is generally too impetuous ; it is those other
virtues that seem more particularly to mark the
good man.
So much in regard to the character of the object
of our beneficence.
But as to the affection which anyone may have Motives to
for us, it is the first demand of duty that we do ^i"^o°|i*>'=
most for him who loves us most; but we should
measure affection, not Hke youngsters, by the ardour
of its passion, but rather by its strength and con-
stancy. But if there shall be obhgations already (2) requital,
incurred, so that kindness is not to begin with us,
but to be requited, still greater dihgencCj it seems,
is called for; for no duty is more imperative than
that of proving one's gratitude.
But if, as Hesiod bids, one is to repay with inter-
est, if possible, what one has borrowed in time
of need, what, pray, ought we to do when challenged
by an unsought kindness? Shall we not imitate
the fruitful fields, which return more than they
receive? For if we do not hesitate to confer fa-
vours upon those who we hope will be of help to
us, how ought we to deal with those who have al-
ready helped us ? For generosity is of two kinds :
e2 51
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liberalitatis sint, unum dandi beneficii, alterum red
dendi, demus necne, in nostra potestate est^ non
rcddere viro bono non licet, modo^ id facere possit
sine iniuria.
49 Acceptorum autem beneficiorum sunt dilectus ha-
bendi, nec dubium^ quin maximo cuique plurimum
debeatur. In quo tamen in primis, quo quisque
animo, studio, benivolentia facerit, ponderandum est.
Multi enim faciunt multa temeritate quadam sine
iudicio vel morbo in omnes vel repentino quodam
quasi vento impetu animi incitati; quae beneficia
aeque magna non sunt habenda atque ea, quae iudi-
cio, considerate constanterque delata sunt.
Sed in collocando beneficio et in referenda gratia,
si cetera paria sunt, hoc maxime officii est, ut
quisque maxime opis indigeat, ita ei potissimum
opitulari; quod contra fit a plerisque; a quo enim
plurimum sperant/ etiamsi ille iis non eget, tamen
ei potissimum inserviunt.
50 XVI. Optime autem societas hominum coniuncti-
oque servabitur, si, ut quisque erit coniunctissimus,
ita in eum benignitatis plurimum conferetur.
Sed, quae naturae principia sint communitatis et
societatis humanae, repetendum videtur altius; est
enim primum, quod cernitur in universi generis hu-
mani societate. Eius autem vinculum est ratio et
^ modo A H L b c ; 5/ viodo B.
^sperant Marg. A, Edd.; spectant A b {spemant Marg. b).
52
BOOK I. xv-xvi
doing a kindness and requiting one. Whether we
do the kindness or not is optional; but to fail to
requite one is not allowable to a good manj provided
he can make the requital without violating the rights
of others.
Furthermore, we must make some discrimination
between favours received ; for^ as a matter of course,
the greater the favour^ the greater is the obhga-
tion. But in deciding this we must above all give
due weight to the spirit, the devotion, the affection,
that prompted the favour. For many people often
do favours impulsively for everybody without dis-
crimination^ prompted by a morbid sort of benevo-
lence or by a sudden impulse of the heart, shifting as
the wind. Such acts of generosity are not to be so
highly esteemed as those which are performed with
judgmentj dehberationj and mature consideration.
But in bestowing a kindness, as well as in making
a requitalj the first rule of duty requires us — other
things being equal — to lend assistance preferably to
people in proportion to their individual need. Most
people adopt the contrary course : they put them-
selves most eagerly at the service of the one from (3) seif-interest,
whom they hope to receive the greatest favours,
even though he has no need of their help.
XVI. The interests of society, however, and its W reiationship,
common bonds will be best conserved^ if kindness
be shown to each individual in proportion to the
closeness of his relationship.
But it seems we must trace back to their ultimate The principles of
sources the principles of fellowship and society that ^*'^'*" society.
nature has estabUshed among men. The first principle i
is that which is found in the connection subsisting j
between all the members of the human race; and j
53
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
oratio, quae docendoj discendo, communicando, di-
sceptandoj iudicando conciliat inter se homines con-
iungitque naturali quadam societate ; neque ulla re
longius absumus a natura ferarum, in quibus inesse
fortitudinem saepe dicimus, ut in equis, in leonibus,
iustitiam, aequitatem, bonitatem non dicimus; sunt
enim rationis et orationis expertes.
51 Ac latissime quidem patens hominibus inter ipsos,
omnibus inter omnes societas haec est ; in qua
omnium rerum, quas ad communem hominum usum
natura genuit, est servanda communitas, ut, quae
discripta^ sunt legibus et iure civili, haec ita tene-
antur, ut sit constitutum legibus ipsis,^ cetera sic
observentur, ut in Graecorum proverbio est, amico-
rum esse communia omnia. Omnium^ autem com-
munia hominum videntur ea, quae sunt generis eius,
quod ab Ennio positum in una re transferri in
permultas potest :
(Teiephus?) Homo, qui erranti comiter monstnit viam,
Vahlen2, Fab. ^ i , n i , -, , r
inc. 398 Quasi lumcn de suo iumine accendat, facit.
Nihilo minus ipsi liicet/ cum illi accenderit.
Una ex re satis praecipit, ut, quicquid sine detri-
52 mento commodari possit, id tribuatur vel ignoto; ex
quo sunt illa communia : non prohibere aqua proflu-
ente, pati ab igne ignem capere, si qui velit,consilium
^ ' discripta H b, Edd. ; descripta A B L a c.
" legibus ipsis Gulielmus, Edd. ; e {ex c) quibtcs tpsis MSS.
^ Omnium Zumpt, Edd. ; 07nnia MSS.
* ipsi lucet Edd. ; ipsi luceat A B H b c ; ipsi ut luceat a.
^KOwa. Th. (twv^ <pl\u3v (Plato, Phaedr. 279 C; Aristotle,
Eth. Vni, 11).
54
BOOK I. xvi
that bond of connection is reason and speech^ which
by the processes of teaching and learning, of com-
municatingj discussing^ and reasoning associate men
together and unite them in a sort of natural frater-
nity. In no other particular are we farther removed
from the nature of beasts ; for we admit that thcy
may have courage (horses and lions, for example);
but we do not admit that they have justice, equity,
and goodness ; for they are not endowed with reason
or speech.
51 This, then, is the most comprehensive bond that
unites together men as men and all to all ; and
under it the common right to all things that nature
has produced for the common use of man is to be
maintained, with the understanding that, while
everything assigned as private property by the
statutes and by civil law shall be so held as pre-
scribed by those same laws, everything else shall be
regarded in the light indicated by the Greek pro-
verb: "Amongst friends all things in common."^
Furthermore, we find the common property of all
men in things of the sort defined by Ennius; and
though restricted by him to one instance, the prin-
ciple may be applied very generally :
"Who kindly sets a wand'rer on his way
Does e'en as if he lit another's lamp by his:
No less shines his, when he his friend's hath ht."
In this example he effectively teaches us all to bestow
even upon a stranger what it costs us nothing to give.
.52 On this principle we have the following maxims:
"Deny no one the water that flows by;" Let
anyone who will take fire from our fire;" ' Honest
counsel give to one who is in doubt;"
55
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fidele deliberanti dare, quae sunt iis utilia, qui acci-
piunt, danti non molesta. Quare et his utendum
est et semper aliquid ad communem utilitatem
afFerendum. Sed quoniam copiae parvae singulorum
sunt, eorum autem, qui his egeant, infinita est multi-
tudo, vulgaris liberalitas referenda est ad illum Ennii
finem: Nihilo minus ipsi lucet/' ut facultas sit, qua
in nostros simus liberales.
53 XVII. Gradus autem plures sunt societatis homi-
nura. Ut enim ab illa infinita discedatur, propior^
est eiusdem gentis, nationis, linguae, qua maxime
homines coniunguntur ; interius etiam est eiusdem
esse civitatis ; multa enim sunt civibus inter se com-
munia, forum, fana, porticus, viae, leges, iura, iudicia,
sufFragia, consuetudines praeterea et famiUaritates
multisque cum multis res rationesque contractae.
Artior vero coUigatio est societatis propinquorum ;
ab illa enim immensa societate humani generis in
54 exiguum angustumque concluditur. Nam cum sit
hoc natura commune animantium, ut habeant lubi-
dinem procreandi, prima societas in ipso coniugio est,
proxima in liberis, deinde una domus, communia
omnia ; id autem est principium urbis et quasi semi-
narium rei pubhcae. Sequuntur fratrum coniun-
ctiones, post consobrinorum sobrinorumque, qui cum
una domo iam capi non possint, in ahas donios tam-
^ propior A a c (ex corr.), Edd.; proprior B H b.
56
BOOK I. xvi-xvii
for such acts are useful to the recipient and cause the
giver no loss. We should, therefore, adopt these
principles and always be contributing something to
the common weal. But since the resources of indi-
viduals are limited and the number of the needy is
infinite, this spirit of universal Uberality must be
regulated according to that test of Ennius — ' No
less shines his" — in order that we raay continue to
have the means for being generous to our friends.
XVII. Then, too, there are a great many degrees Degrees of sociai
of closeness or remoteness in human society. To ^i)'\iuzenship,
proceed beyond the universal bond of our common
humanity, there is the closer one of belonging to the
same people, tribe, and tongue, by which men are
very closely bound together ; it is a still closer rela-
tion to be citizens of the same city-state ; for fellow-
citizens have much in common — forum, temples,
colonnadeSj streets, statutes, laws, courts, rights of
suffrage, to say nothing of social and friendly circles
and diverse business relations with many.
But a still closer social union exists between kin- (2) kinship,
dred. Starting with that infinite bond of union of the
human race in general, the conception is now confined
to a small and narrow circle. For since the repro-
ductive instinct is by nature's gift the common pos-
session of all Hving creatures, the first bond of union
is that between husband and wife ; the next, that
between parents and children; then we find one
home, with everything in common. And this is the
foundation of civil government, the nursery, as it
were, of the state. Then follow the bonds between
brothers and sisters, and next those of first and then
of second cousins ; and when they can no longer be
sheltered under one roof, they go out into other
57
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quam in colonias exeunt. Sequuntur conubia et
affinitates, ex quibus etiam plures propinqui ; quae
propagatio et suboles origo est rerum publicarum.
Sanguinis autem coniunctio et benivolentia devincit
55 homines et^ caritate; magnum est enim eadem ha-
bere monumenta maiorum, eisdem uti sacris, sepulcra
habere communia.
Sed omnium societatum nulla praestantior est,
nulla firmior, quam cum viri boni moribus similes
sunt familiaritate coniuncti ; illud enim honestum,
quod saepe dicimus, etiam si in alio cernimus, [tamen]^
nos movet atque illi, in quo id inesse videtur, amicos
56 facit. Et quamquam omnis virtus nos ad se alHcit
facitque, ut eos diligamus, in quibus ipsa inesse vi-
deatur, tamen iustitia et liberahtas id maxime efficit.
Nihil autem est amabilius nec copulatius quam morum
simihtudo bonorum; in quibus enim eadem studia
sunt, eaedem voluntates, in iis fit ut aeque quisque
altero delectetur ac se ipso, efficiturque id, quod
Pythagoras vult in amicitia, ut^ unus fiat ex pluribus.
Magna etiam illa communitas est, quae conficitur
ex beneficiis ultro et citro datis acceptis, quae et
mutua et grata dum sunt, inter quos ea sunt, firma
devinciuntur societate.
57 Sed cum omnia ratione anlmoque lustraris, omnium
societatum nulla est gravior, nulla carior quam ea,
quae cum re pubhca est uni cuique nostrum. Cari
^ ei Perizonius, Edd,; not in MSS.
'^tamen MSS., Miiller; del. Unger, Bt., Heine.
^efficiturque id quod P. ultimum in amicitia pictavit ut
Nonius (s.v, uUimum) (i.e. Pythagoras's ideal of friendsliip
is realized).
58
BOOK I. xvii
homes, as into colonies. Then follow between these,
in turn^ marriages and connections by marriage, and
from these again a new stock of relations ; and from
this propagation and after-growth states have theii
beginnings. The bonds of common blood hold men
55 fast through good-will and afFection; for it means
much to share in common the same family traditions,
the same forms of domestic worship, and the same
ancestral tombs.
But of all the bonds of fellowship, there is none (3) friendship,
more noble, none more powerful than when good
men of congenial character are joined in intimate
friendship ; for really, if we discover in another that
moral goodness on which I dwell so much, it attracts
us and makes us friends to the one in whose character
56 it seems to dwell. And while every virtue attracts
us and makes us love those who seem to possess it,
still j ustice and generosity do so most of all. Nothing,
moreover, is more conducive to love and intimacy
than compatibility of character in good men; for
when two people have the same ideals and the same
tastes, it is a natural consequence that each loves the
other as himself ; and the result is, as Pythagoras
requires of ideal friendship, that several are united
in one.
Another strong bond of fellowship is effected by
mutual interchange of kind services ; and as long as
these kindnesses are mutual and acceptable, those
between whom they are interchanged are united by
the ties of an enduring intimacy.
57 But when with a rational spirit you liave surveyed (4)ioveof
the whole field, there is no social relation among *^°'^" ^^'
them all more close, none more dear than that
which links each one of us with our country. Parents
59
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sunt parentes, cari liberi, propinqui, familiares, sed
omnes omnium caritates patria una complexa est,
pro qua quis bonus dubitet mortemt oppetere, si ei
sit profuturus? Quo est detestabilior istorum im-
manitas, qui lacerarunt omni scelere patriam et in ea
funditus delenda occupati et sunt et fuerunt.
58 Sed si contentio quaedam et comparatio fiat, qui-
bus plurimum tribuendum sit officii, principes sint
patria et parentes, quorum beneficiis maximis obli-
gati sumus, proximi liberi totaque domus, quae spectat
in nos solos neque aliud ullum potest habere perfu-
gium, deinceps bene convenientes propinqui, qui-
buscum communis etiam fortuna plerumque est.
Quam ob rem necessaria praesidia vitae debentur
iis maxime, quos ante dixi, vita autem victusque
communis, consilia, sermones, cohortationes, consol?.
tiones, interdum etiam obiurgationes in amicitiis
vigent maxime, estque ea iucundissima amicitia, quam
similitudo morum coniugavit.
59 XVIII. Sed in his omnibus officiis tribuendis
videndum erit, quid cuique maxime necesse sit, et
quid quisque vel sine nobis aut possit consequi aut
non possit. Ita non iidem erunt necessitudinum
gradus, qui temporum; suntque officia, quae ahis
magis quam aliis debeantur; ut vicinum citius adiu-
veris in fructibus percipiendis quam aut fratrem aut
(^Antony and his associates. ''Caesar, Clodius, Catiline.
60
BOOK I. xvii-xviii
are dear; dear are childrenj relatives^ friends; but
one native land embraces all our loves ; and who that
is true would hesitate to give his life for her, if by
his death he could render her a service ? So much
the more execrable are those monsters who have
torn their fatherland to pieces with every form of
outrage and who are^ and have bcen'' engaged in
compassing her utter destruction.
Now, if a contrast and comparison were to be
made to find out where most of our moral obligation
is due, country would come first^ and parents; for
their services have laid us under the heaviest obhga-
tion ; next come children and the whole family, who
look to us alone for support and can have no other
protection ; finally, our kinsmen, with whom we Hve
on good terms and with whom^ for the most part,
our lot is one.
All needful material assistance is, therefore, due
first of all to those whom I have named ; but inti-
mate relationship of hfe and living, counsel, conversa-
tion, encouragementj comfort^ and sometimes even
reproof flourish best in friendships. And that friend-
ship is sweetest which is cemented by congeniality
of character.
XVIII. But in the performance of all these duties Duties maj^ var^
we shall have to consider what is most needful in ckcumstancef.
each indivldual case and what each individual person
can or cannot procure without our help. In this
way we shall find that the claims of social relation-
shipj in its various degrees, are not identical with
the dictates of circumstances ; for there are obliga-
tions that are due to one individual rather than
to another: for example, one would sooner assist
a neighbour in gathering his harvest than either
61
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familiarem, at, si lis in iudicio sit, propinquum potius
et amicum quam vicinum defenderis. Haec igitur
et talia circumspicienda sunt in omni officio [et
consuetudo exercitatioque capiendaj/ ut boni ratioci-
natores officiorum esse possimus et addendo dedu-
cendoque^ videre, quae reliqui summa fiat, ex quo,
quantum cuique debeatur, intellegas.
60 Sed ut nec medici nec imperatores nec oratores,
quamvis artis praecepta perceperint, quicquam magna
laude dignum sine usu et exercitatione consequi pos-
sunt, sic officii conservandi praecepta traduntur illa
quidem, ut facimus ipsi, sed rei magnitudo usum
quoque exercitationemque desiderat.
Atque ab iis^ rebus, quae sunt in iure societatis
humanae, quem ad modum ducatur lionestum, ex
quo aptum est officium, satis fere diximus.
61 Intelligendum autem est, cum proposita sint ge-
nera quattuor, e quibus honestas officiumque manaret,
splendidissimum videri, quod animo magno elatoque
humanasque res despiciente factum sit. Itaque in pro-
bris maxime in promptu est si quid tale dici potest:
" Vos enim,* iuvenes, animum geritis muliebrem,
Mi >. . " . .,.5
illa virgo vin
et si quid eius modi :
Salmacida, spolia sine sudore et sanguine.
Contraque in laudibus, quae magno animo et fortiter
^ et . . . capienda om. Facciolati, Edd.
^ deducendoqzie p; duccndoqiie A B H L a b (superscr
sec. m. demendd) ; demendoque c.
3«sEdd.; AwMSS.
*enim A B H b c ; etenim a.
^ illa" virgo "viri" Ed.; illa virgo vtrt MSS.; virago
Orelli.
^ Cloelia (see Index).
62
BOOK I. xviii
a brother or a friend; but should it be a case in
court, one would defend a kinsman and a friend
rather than a neighbour. Such questions as these
must, therefore^ be taken into consideration in every
act of moral duty [and we must acquire the habit
and keep it up], in order to become good calculators
of duty, able by adding and subtracting to strike a
balance correctly and find out just how much is due
to each individual.
But as neither physicians nor generals nor orators
can achieve any signal success without experience
and practice, no matter how well they may under-
stand the theory of their profession^ so the rules for
the discharge of duty are formulated, it is true, as I
am doing now^ but a matter of such importance
requires experience also and practice.
This must close our discussion of the ways in
which moral goodness, on which duty depends, is
developed from those principles which hold good in
human society.
We must reahze, however, that while we have set C. Fortitude
down four cardinal virtues from which as sources
moral rectitude and moral duty emanate, that
achievement is most glorious in the eyes of the
world which is won with a spirit great, exaltedj and
superior to the vicissitudes of earthly Hfe. And so,
when we wish to hurl a taunt, the very first to rise to
our Hps is, if possible, something Hke this :
For ye, young men^ show a womanish soul, yon
maiden^ a man's;"
and this:
Thou son of Salmacis, win spoils that cost nor
sweat nor blood."
When, on the other hand, we wish to pay a compli-
63
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excellenterque gesta sunt, ea nescio quo modo quasi
pleniore ore laudamus. Hinc rhetorum campus de
Marathone, Salammej Plataeis, Thermopylis, Leu-
ctris, hinc noster Cocles/ hinc Decii, hinc Cn. et P.
Scipiones, hinc M. MarcelluSj innumerabiles alii,
maximeque ipse populus Romanus animi magnitu-
dine excelHt. Declaratur autem studium belHcae
gloriae, quod statuas quoque videmus ornatu fere
militari.
62 XIX. Sed ea animi elatio, quae cernitur in pericuhs
et laboribuSj si iustitia vacat pugnatque non pro salute
communi, sed pro suis commodisj in vitio est; non
modo enim id virtutis non est, sed est potius imma-
nitatls omnem humanitatem repellentis. Itaque
probe definitur a Stoicis fortitudo, cum eam virtutem
esse dicunt propugnantem pro aequitate. Quocirca
nemo, qui fortitudinis gloriam consecutus est insidiis
et malitia, laudem est adeptus; nihil enim^ hone-
stum esse potest, quod iustitia vacat.
Menex. gg Pracclarum igitur illud Platonis: Non/* inquit,
Lachw ' solum scientia, quae est remota ab iustitia, calHdi-
107 B
tas potius quam sapientia est appeHanda, verum
etiam animus paratus ad periculum, si sua cupiditate,
non utilitate communi impeUitur, audaciae potius
nomen habeat quam fortitudinis." Itaque viros for-
tes et^ magnanimos eosdem bonos et simpHces,
veritatis amicos minimeque faUaces esse volumus;
quae sunt ex media laude iustitiae.
^ Leuctris, hinc noster Cocles Baldwin, Edd. ; leutris ster-
cocles A B H a b ; leutrister chodes c ; leutris stercodes L.
"^enim A C, Edd.; not in A B H L b, Bt^.
» et a, Edd. ; not in A B H L b c p.
64
B g/- I. xviii-xix
ment, we somehc ^jg^- other praise in more eloquent
strain the brave .j^ ' .oble work of some great soul.
Hence there is ; f/ en field for orators on the sub-
jects of Marathf w Salamis, Plataea, Thermopylae,
and Leuctra, anr icnce our own Cocles, the Decii,
Gnaeus and Pu ms Scipio, Marcus Marcellus, and
countless others, fud, above all, the Roman People
as a nation are ^elebrated for greatness of spirit.
Their passion for miUtary glory, moreover, is shown
in the fact that we see their statues usually in
soldier's garb.
XIX. But if the exaltation of spirit seen in times Fortitude in the
of danger and toil is devoid of justice and fights for
selfish ends instead of for the common good, it is a
vice ; for not only has it no element of virtue, but
its nature is barbarous and revolting to all our finer
feeUngs. The Stoics, therefore, correctly define
courage as "that virtue which champions the cause
of right." Accordingly, no one has attained to true
glory who has gained a reputation for courage by
treachery and cunning ; for nothing that lacks justice
can be morally right.
This, then, is a fine saying of Plato's : Not only
must all knowledge that is divorced from justice be
called cunning rather than wisdom," he says, but
even the courage that is prompt to face danger, if it
is inspired not by public spirit, but by its own selfish
purposes, should have the name of effrontery rather
than of courage." And so we demand that men
who are courageous and high-souled shall at the
same time be good and straightforward, lovers of
truth, and foes to deception ; for these qualities are
the centre and soul of justice.
F 65
CICERO DE OiTlC^IIS
64 Sed illud odiosum est, quiAscin hac elatione et
magnitudine animi facillime jet^inacia et nimia
cupiditas principatus innascituiTl' Ut enim apud
Laches Platonem est, omnem morem Lao^jdaemoniorum in-
182 E
flammatum esse cupiditate vincendi, sic, ut quisque
animi magnitudine maxime excellet/ ita maxime
vult princeps omnium vel potius solus esse. Difficile
autem est, cum praestare omnibus concupieris, ser-
vare aequitatem, quae est iustitiae maxime propria.
Ex quo fit, ut neque disceptatione vinci se nec ullo
publico ac legitimo iure patiantur, existuntque in re
publica plerumque largitores et factiosi, ut opes quam
maximas consequantur et sint vi^ potius superiores
quam iustitia pares. Sed quo difficilius, hoc prae-
clarius ; nullum enim est tempus, quod iustitia vacare
debeat.
65 Fortes igitur et magnanimi sunt habendi, non qui
faciunt, sed qui propulsant iniuriam. Vera autem
et sapiens animi magnitudo honestum illud, quod
maxime natura sequitur, in factis positum, non in
gloria iudicat principemque se esse mavult quam
videri ; etenim qui ex errore imperitae multitudinis
pendet, hic in magnis viris non est habendus. Facil-
lime autem ad res iniustas impellitur, ut quisque
altissimo animo est, gloriae cupiditate^; qui locus
est sane lubricus, quod vix invenitur, qui laboribus
susceptis periculisque aditis non quasi mercedem
rerum gestarum desideret gloriam.
' excellet A B H L b c ; excellit a, Bt.
* vi a, Edd. ; w/* A B H b ; utcumque L c.
' altissimo ajiimo est, gloriae cupiditnte Pearce (confirmed
by several MSS. ), Edd. ; alt. an. et gloriae cupiditate A B H
b p ; est alt. an. et gloria et cupiditate L c.
66
BOOK I. xix
But the mischief is that from this exaltation and
greatness of spirit spring all too readily self-will and
excessive lust for power. For just as Plato tells us that
the whole national character of the Spartans was on
fire with passion for victory^ so, in the same way, the
more notable a man is for his greatness of spirit, the
more ambitious he is to be the foremost citizen, or, I
should say rather, to be sole ruler. But when one
begins to aspire to pre-eminence, it is difficult to
preserve that spirit of fairness which is absolutely
essential to justice. The result is that such men do
not allow themselves to be constrained either by
argument or by any public and lawful authority ; but
they only too often prove to be bribers and agitators
in pubhc Hfe, seeking to obtain supreme power and
to be superiors through force rather than equals
through justice. But the greater the difficulty, the
greater the glory; for no occasion arises that can
excuse a man for being guilty of injustice.
So then, not those who do injury but those who xrue greatness
prevent it are to be considered brave and courageous. °^sp"'*'
Moreover, true and philosophic greatness of spirit
regards the moral goodness to which nature most
aspires as consisting in deeds, not in fame, and pre-
fers to be first in reahty rather than in name. And
we must approve this view ; for he who depends upon
the caprice of the ignorant rabble cannot be num-
bered among the great. Then, too, the higher a
man's ambition, the more easily he is tempted to
acts of injustice by his desire for fame. We are now,
to be sure, on very shppery ground ; for scarcely can
the man be found who has passed through trials and
encountered dangers and does not then wish for
glory as a reward for his achievements.
v2 67
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
66 XX. Omnino fortis animus et magnus duabus
rebus maxime cernitur, quarum una in rerum exter-
narum despicientia ponitur, cum persuasum est
nihil hominem, nisi quod honestum decorumque sit,
aut admirari aut optare aut expetere oportere nulh-
que neque homini neque perturbationi animi nec
fortunae succumbere. Altera est res, ut, cum ita
sis afFectus animo, ut supra dixi, res geras magnas
illas quidem et maxime utiles, sed [utj vehementer
arduas plenasque laborum et periculorum cum vitae,
tum multarum rerum, quae ad vitam pertinent.
67 Harum rerum duarum splendor omnis, ampHtudo,
addo etiam utihtatem, in posteriore est, causa autem
et ratio efficiens magnos viros in priore; in eo est
enim illud, quod excellentes animos et humana con-
temnentes facit. Id autem ipsum cernitur in duobus,
si et solum id, quod honestum sit, bonum iudices et
ab omni animi perturbatione Hber sis. Nam et ea,
quae eximia plerisque et praeclara videntur, parva
ducere eaque ratione stabiH firmaque contemnere
fortis animi magnique ducendum est, et ea, quae
videntur acerba, quae multa et varia in hominum
vita fortunaque versantur, ita ferre, ut nihil a statu
naturae discedas, niliil a dignitate sapientis, robusti
68 animi est magnaeque constantiae. Non est autem
consentaneum, qui metu non frangatur, eum frangi
cupiditate nec, qui invictum se a labore praestiterit,
vinci a voluptate. Quam ob rem et haec vitanda^
^ persuasum est Madvig (ad de Fin. p. 448 ff. ), Edd. ; p. sit
MSS.
■■^ vitanda Edd. (cum duobus codd. Guelpherbytanis);
'idenda MSS.
68
BOOK I. XX
XX. The soul that is altogether courageous and Characteristica
great is marked above all by two charaeteristics : "
one of these is indifference to outward circumstances ;
for such a person cherishes the conviction that
nothing but moral goodness and propriety deserves to
be either admired or wished for or striven after, and
that he ought not to be subject to any man or any
passion or any accident of fortune. The second
characteristic is that, when the soul is disciplined in
the way above mentioned, one should do deeds not only
great and in the highest degree useful, but extremely
arduous and laborious and fraught with danger both
to hfe and to many things that make hfe worth hving.
>7 All the glory and greatness and, I may add, all the (i) ^oral
usefulness of these two characteristics of courage are
centred in the latter ; the rational cause that makes
men great, in the former. For it is the former that indifference
contains the element that makes souls pre-eminent fortunes!'^
and indifferent to worldly fortune. And this quahty
is distinguished by two criteria: (l) if one account
moral rectitude as the only good ; and (2) if one be
free from all passion. For we must agree that it
takes a brave and heroic soul to hold as shght what
most people think grand and glorious, and to dis-
regard it from fixed and settled principles. And it
requires strength of character and great singleness
of purpose to bear what seems painful, as it comes
to pass in many and various forms in human hfe, and
to bear it so unflinchingly as not to be shaken in the
least from one's natural state of the dignity of a
68 philosopher. Moreover, it would be inconsistent
for the man who is not overcome by fear to be over-
come by desire, or for the man who has shown himself
invincible to toil to be conquered by pleasure. We
. 69
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
et pecuniae fugienda cupiditas ; nihil enim est tam
angusti animi tamque parvi quam amare divitias,
nihil honestius magnificentiusque quam pecuniam
contemnere, si non habeas, si habeas, ad beneficen-
tiam liberalitatemque conferre.
Cavenda etiam est gloriae cupiditas, ut supra
dixi; eripit enim libertatem, pro qua magnanimis
viris omnis debet esse contentio. Nec vero imperia
expetenda ac potius aut non accipienda interdum
aut deponenda non numquam.
69 Vacandum autem omni est animi perturbatione,
cum cupiditate et metu^ tum etiam aegritudine et
voluptate nimia^ et iracundia, ut tranquillitas animi
et securitas adsit, quae affert cum constantiam, tum
etiam dignitatem. Multi autem et sunt et fuerunt,
qui eam, quam dico, tranquillitatem expetentes a
negotiis publicis se removerint ad otiumque perfu-
gerint; in his et nobihssimi philosophi longeque
principes et quidam homines severi et graves nec
populi nec principum mores ferre potuerunt, vixe-
runtque non nulli in agris delectati re sua famihari.
70 His idem propositum fuit, quod regibus, ut ne qua
re egerent, ne cui parerent, libertate uterentur, cuius
proprium est sic vivere, ut vehs.
XXI. Quare cum hoc commune sit potentiae
cupidorum cum iis, quos dixi, otiosis, alteri se
^ voluptate nimia Orelli, Miiller ; vohiptate animi k H L
a b c ; vol. animi et secnritas {et iraciindia ut tr. animi by a
laterband on the margiii) B ; voluptate [a?iitni], Bt., Heine.
» As Cicero did at the expiration of his consulship.
^ As Sulla did in his dictatorship. The cont rast to Caesar
is the more striking for Cicero's not mentioning it.
oe.g. Plato, Aristotle, Zeno, Pythagoras, Anaxagoras,
^ Snch as Cicero's friend, Atticus, and Marcus Piso.
70 .
BOOK I. xx-xxi
must, therefore, not only avoid the latter, but also
beware of ambition for wealth ; for there is nothing so
characteristic of narrowness and littleness of soul as
the love of riches; and there is nothing more
honourable and noble than to be indifferent to
money . if one does not possess it, and to devote it to
beneficence and Uberahty, if one does possess it.
As I said before, we must also beware of ambition
for glory ; for it robs us of Hberty, and in defence of
hberty a high-souled man should stake everything.
And one ought not to seek miHtary authority ; nay,
rather it ought sometimes to be declined,^ sometimes
to be resigned.^
) Again, we must keep ourselves free from every (3) Freedom
disturbing emotion, not only from desire and fear, but
also from excessive pain and pleasure, and from angei*^
so that we may enjoy that calm of soul and freedom
from care which bring both moral stabiHty and dig-
nity of character. But there have been many and stiH The retired life
are many who^ while pursuing that calm of soul of
vvhich I speak, have withdrawn from civic duty and
taken refuge in retirement. Among such have been
found the most f amous and by far the foremost philo-
sophers*^ and certain other'^ earnest, thoughtful men
who could not endure the conduct of either the
people or their leaders; some of them, too^ Hved in
the country and found their pleasure in the manage-
[) ment of their private estates. Such men have had
the same aims as kings — to suffer no want, to be
subject to no authority, to enjoy their Hberty, that
is, in its essence, to Hve just as they please.
XXI. So, while this desire is common to men of
poHtical ambitions and men of retirement, of whom
I have just spoken, the one class think they cau
71
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
adipisci id posse arbitrantur, si opes magnas habeant,
alteri, si contenti sint et suo et parvo. In quo
neutrorum omnino contemnenda sententia est, sed
et facilior et tutior et minus aliis gravis aut molesta
vita est otiosorum^ fructuosior autem hominum generi
et ad claritatem amplitudinemque aptior eorum, qui
se ad rem publicam et ad magnas res gerendas ac-
commodaverunt.
71 Quapropter et iis forsitan concedendum sit rem
pubhcam non capessentibus, qui excellenti ingenio
doctrinae sese dediderunt, et iis, qui aut valetudinis
imbecillitate aut aHqua graviore causa impediti a r(
publica recesserunt, cum eius administrandae potC'
statem aliis laudemque concederent. Quibus autem
talis nulla sit causa, si despicere se dicant ea, quae
plerique mirentur, imperia et magistratus, iis non
modo non laudi, verum etiam vitio dandum puto;
quorum iudicium in eo, quod gloriam contemnant et
pro nihilo putent, difficile factu est non probare ; sed
videntur labores et molestias, tum offensionum et
repulsarum quasi quandam ignominiam timere et
infamiam. Sunt enim, qui in rebus contrariis parum
sibi constent, voluptatem severissime contemnant, in
dolore sint molliores, gloriam neglegant, frangantur
infamia, atque ea quidem non satis constanter.
72 Sed iis, qui habent a natura adiumenta rerum
gerendarum, abiecta omni cunctatione adipiscendi
72
BOOK I. xxi
attain their end if they secure large means; the Theiifeof
other, if they are content with the httle they have. ^^ icsemce
And in this matter^ neither way of thinking is alto- reUremen^t
gether to be condemned ; but the life of retirement is
easier and safer and at the same time less burden-
some or troublesome to others, while the career
of those who apply themselves to statecraft and to
conducting great enterprises is more profitable to
mankind and contributes more to their own great-
ness and renown.
So perhaps those men of extraordinary genius
who have devoted themselves to learning must be
excused for not taking part in pubhc affairs; hke-
wise, those who from ill-health or for some still
more vahd reason have retired from the service of
the state and left to others the opportunity and the
glory of its administration. But if those who have
no such excuse profess a scorn for civil and mihtary
offices, which most people admire, I think that this
should be set down not to their credit but to their
discredit; for in so far as they care Httle, as they
say, for glory and count it as naught, it is difficult
not to sympathize with their attitude; in reahty,
however, they seem to dread the toil and trouble
and also, perhaps, the discredit and humihation of
political failure and defeat. For there are people
who in opposite circumstances do not act consist-
ently: they have the utmost contempt for pleasure,
but in pain they are too sensitive; they are in-
different to glory, but they are crushed by disgrace ;
and even in their inconsistency they show no great
consistency,
But those whom Nature has endowed with the Pubiicservic
eapacity for administering pubhc affairs should put * '^"'^*
73
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
magistratus et gerenda res publica est; nec enim
aliter aut regi civitas aut declarari animi magnitudo
potest. Capessentibus autem rem publicam nihilo ^
minus quam philosophis, haud scio an magis etiam
et magnificentia et despicientia adhibenda est ^ re-
rum humanarum, quam saepe dico^ et tranquilhtas
animi atque secui'itas, siquidem nec anxii futuri
73 sunt et cum gravitate constantiaque victuri. Quae
faciUora sunt philosophis, quo minus multa patent
in eorum vita^ quae fortuna feriat, et quo minus
multis rebus egent, et quia, si quid adversi eveniat,
tam graviter cadere non possunt. Quocirca non
sine causa maiores motus animorum concitantur
maioraque studia efficiendi^ rem pubhcam geren-
tibus quam quietis, quo magis iis et magnitudo est
animi adhibenda et vacuitas ab angoribus.
Ad rem gerendam autem qui accedit, caveat, ne
id modo consideret, quam illa res honesta sit, sed
etiam ut habeat efficiendi facultatem; in quo ipso
considerandum est, ne aut temere desperet propter
ignaviam aut nimis confidat propter cupiditatem.
In omnibus autem negotiis, prius quam aggrediare,
adhibenda est praeparatio dihgens.
74 XXII. Sed cum plerique arbitrentur res belhcas
maiores esse quam urbanas, minuenda est haec
opinio. Multi enim bella saepe quaesiverunt propter
gloriae cupiditatem, atque id in magnis animis in-
geniisque plerumque contingit, eoque magis, si
sunt ad rem mihtarem apti et cupidi bellorum
^nihilo Wesenberg', Edd. ; nihil MSS.
'^ est Maniitius, Edd.; sit MSS.
'^ maioraque studia efficiendi Ung^er, Miiller ; maioraque
efficiendi A^ B H L b c ; maiorque cura efficiendi a, Bt.,
Heine ; maioraque efficienda A'-' p.
74
BOOK I. xxi-xxii
aside all hesitation, enter the race for pubhc office,
and take a hand in directing the government; for
in no other way can a government be administered
or greatness of spirit be made manifest. Statesmen,
too, no less than philosophers — perhaps even more
so — should carry with them that greatness of spirit
and indifference to outwai'd circumstances to which
I so often refer, together with calm of soul and free-
dom from care, if they are to be free from worries
73 and lead a dignified and self-consistent life. This is
easier for the philosophers ; as their hfe is less exposed
to the assaults of fortune, their wants are fewer ; and
if any misfortune overtakes them, their fall is not so
disastrous. Not without reason, therefore, are stronger
emotions aroused in those who engage in pubhc hfe
tlian in those who Uve in retirement, and greater is
their ambition for success; the more, therefore, do
they need to enjoy greatness of spirit and freedom
from annoying cares.
If anyone is entering pubHc life, let him beware
of thinking only of the honour that it brings ; but
let him be sure also that he has the abihty to
succeed. At the same time, let him take care not
to lose heart too readily through discouragement nor
yet to be over-confident through ambition. In a word,
before undertaking any enterprise, careful prepara-
tion must be made.
Ji XXII. Most people think that the achievements Victories of war
of war are more important than tliose of peace ; but victoriesof
this opinion needs to be corrected. For many men peace.
have sought occasions for war from the mere ambi-
tion for fame. This is notably the case with men
of great spirit and natural abihty, and it is the more
Ukely to happen, if they are adapted to a soldier's
75
CrCERO DE OFFICIIS
gerendorum ; vere autem si volumus iudicare, multae
res exstiterunt urbanae maiores clarioresque quam
bellicae.
75 Quamvis enim Themistocles iure laudetur et sit
eius nomen quam Solonis illustrius citeturque Sala-
mis clarissimae testis victoriae, quae anteponatur
consilio Solonis ei^quo primum constituit Areopagitas,
non minus praeclarum hoc quam illud iudicandum
est; illud enim semel profuit, hoc semper proderit
civitati; hoc consilio leges Atheniensium, hoc maio-
rum instituta servantur; et Themistocles quidem
nihil dixerit, in quo ipse Areopagum adiuverit, at
ille vere a^ se adiutum Themistoclem ; est enim
bellum gestum consilio senatus eius, qui a Solone
erat constitutus.
76 Licet eadem de Pausania Lysandroque dicere,
quorum rebus gestis quamquam imperium Lacedae-
moniis partum ^ putatur, tamen ne minima quidem ex
parte Lycurgi legibus et disciplinae conferendi sunt;
quin etiam ob has ipsas causas et parentiores habue-
runt exercitus et fortiores. Mihi quidem neque
pueris nobis M. Scaurus C. Mario neque, cum ver-
saremur in re publica, Q. Catulus Cn. Pompeio
cedere videbatur; parvi enim sunt foris arma, nisi
est consiUum domi; nec plus Africanus, singularis
' a Edd. ; not in MSS. ; se adiutum A B H b, Edd. ; adinvit
L' c p ; se adiutum ab illo dixerit (?) Thcmistoclcs \?.
^ L. partum Lambinus, Miiller ; partum L., Bt.; om. par-
tum A' B II L' a b ; L. dilatatum A'^; dilatatum L. L'-' c.
76
BOOK I. xxii
life and fond of warfare. But if we will face the
facts, we shall find that there have been many
instances of achievement in peace more important
and no less renowned than in war.
However highly Themistocles, for example, may Themistocles
be extolled — and deservedly — and however much solon. "*
more illustrious his name may be than Solon's, and
however much Salamis may be cited as witness of
his most glorious victory — a victory glorified above
Solon's statesmanship in instituting the Areopagus
— yet Solon's achievement is not to be accounted less
illustrious than his. For Themistocles's victory served
the state once and only once ; while Solon's work
will be of service for ever. For through his legisla-
tion the laws of the Athenians and the institutions
of their fathers are maintained. And while The-
mistocles could not readily point to any instance in
which he himself had rendered assistance to the
Areopagus, the Areopagus might with justice assert
that Themistocles had received assistance from it;
for the war was directed by the counsels of that
senate which Solon had created.
The same may be said of Pausanias and Lysander. Pausanias and
Although it is thought that it was by their achieve- ^^^" yl
ments that Sparta gained her supremacy, yet these Lycurgus.
are not even remotely to be compared with the
legislation and discipline of Lycurgus. Nay, rather,
it was due to these that Pausanias and Lysander had
armies so brave and so well disciplined. For my own
partj I do not consider that Marcus Scaurus was inferior
to Gaius Marius, when I was a lad, or Quintus Catulus
to Gnaeus Pompey, when I was engaged in public
life. For arms are of little value in the field unless
there is wise counsel at home. So, too, Africanus,
77
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
et vir et imperator, in exscindenda Numantia rei
publicae profuit quam eodem tempore P. Nasica
privatus, cura Ti. Gracchum interemit; quamquam
haec quidem res non solum ex domestica est ratione
(attingit etiam bellicam, quoniam vi manuque confecta
est), sed tamen id ipsum est gestum consilio urbano
sine exercitu.
77 Illud autem optimum est, in quod invadi solere ab
improbis et invidis audio :
Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi."
Ut enim alios omittam, nobis rem pubUcam guber-
nantibus nonne togae arma cesserunt? neque enim
periculum in re publica fuit gravius umquam nec
maius otium. Ita consiliis diligentiaque nostra cele-
riter de manibus audacissimorum civium delapsa
arma ipsa ceciderunt. Quae res igitur gesta umquam
78 in bello tanta? qui triumphus conferendus? licet
enim mihi, M. fili, apud te gloriari^ ad quem et here-
ditas huius gloriae et factorum imitatio pertinet.
Mihi quidem certe vir abundans bellicis laudibus,
Cn. Pompeius^ multis audientibus hoc tribuit, ut
diceret frustra se triumphum tertium deportaturum
fuisse, nisi meo in rem publicam beneficio, ubi tri-
umpharet, esset habiturus.
Sunt igitur domesticae fortitudines non inferiores
»The praises of Cicero for his overthrow of the conspiracy
of Catiline.
^The laurels of Ihe triumphant general.
78
BOOK I. xxii
though a great man and a soldier of extraordinary
abilitjj did no greater service to the state by destroy-
ing Numantia than was done at the same time by
Publius Nasica, though not then clothed with official
authority, by removing Tiberius Gracchus. This
deed does not, to be sure, belong wholly to the do-
main of civil afFairs ; it partakes of the nature of war
alsOj since it was efFected by violence ; but it waSj for
all that, executed as a poKtical measure without the
help of an army.
77 The whole truth, however, is in this verse, against cicero's great
which, I am told, the maHcious and envious are wont ^*° °^^'
to rail :
Yield, ye arms, to the toga ; to civic praises,^ ye
laurels."*'
Not to mention other instances, did not arms yield
to the toga, when I was at the helm of state ? For
never was the repubUc in more serious peril, never
was peace more profound. Thus, as the result of my
counsels and my vigilance, their weapons slipped
suddenly from the hands of the most desperate
traitors — dropped to the ground of their own accord !
What achievement in war, then, was ever so great ?
78 What triumph can be compared with that? For I
may boast to you, my son Marcus ; for to you belong
the inheritance of that glory of mine and the duty
of imitating my deeds. And it was to me, too, that
Gnaeus Pompey, a hero crowned with the honours
of war, paid this tribute in the hearing of many,
when he said that his third triumph would have been
gained in vain, if he were not to have through my
services to the state a place in which to celebrate
it.
There are, therefore, instances of civic courage
79
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
militaribus ; in quibus plus etiam quam in his operae
studiique ponendum est.
79 XXIII, Omnino illud honestum, quod ex animo
excelso magnificoque quaerimus, animi efficitur, non
corporis viribus. Exercendum tamen corpus et ita
afficiendum est, ut oboedire consiho rationique possit
in exsequendis negotiis et in labore tolerando.
Honestum autem id, quod exquirimus, totum est
positum in animi cura et cogitatione; in quo non
minorem utihtatem afferunt, qui togati rei pubhcae
praesunt, quam qui beUum gerunt. Itaque eorum
consiho saepe aut non suscepta aut confecta beha
sunt, non numquam etiam illata, ut M. Catonis
bellum tertium Punicum, in quo etiam mortui valuit
80 auctoritas. Quare expetenda quidem magis est
decernendi ratio quam decertandi fortitudo, sed
cavendum, ne id bellandi magis fuga quam utihtatis
ratione faciamus. Bellum autem ita suscipiatur, ut
nihil aliud nisi pax quaesita videatur.
Fortis vero animi et constantis est non perturbari
in rebus asperis nec tumultuantem de gradu deici,
ut dicitur, sed praesenti animo uti et consiho nec a
ratione discedere.
81 Quamquam hoc animi, illud etiam ingenii magni
est, praecipere cogitatione futura et aliquanto ante
^aliquanto Edd.; aliguando MSS.
SO
BOOK I. xxii-xxiii
that are not inferior to the cnurage of the soldier.
Nay, the former calls for even greater energy and
greater devotion than the latter.
XXIII. That moral goodness which we look for in (2) Physicai
a lofty, high-minded spirit is secured, of course, by '^°^'^^s^-
moral, not by physical, strength. And yet the body
must be trained and so disciplined that it can obey
the dictates of judgment and reason in attending
to business and in enduring toil. But that moral
goodness which is our theme depends whoUy upon
the thought and attention given to it by the mind.
And in this way, the men who in a civil capacity
direct the affairs of the nation render no less impor-
tant service than they who conduct its wars : by their
statesmanship oftentimes wars are either averted or
terminated ; sometimes also they are declared. Upon
Marcus Cato's counsel, for example, the Third Punic
War was undertaken, and inits conduct hisinfluence
was dominant, even after he was dead. And so
diplomacy in the friendly settlement of controversies
is more desirable than courage in setthng them on
the battlefield ; but we must be careful not to take
tliat course merely for the sake of avoiding war
rather than for the sake of public expediency. War,
however, should be undertaken in such a way as to
make it evident that it has no other object than to
secure peace.
But it takes a brave and resolute spirit not to be
disconcerted in times of difficulty or ruffled and
thrown ofF one's feet, as the saying is, but to keep
one's presence of mind and one's self-possession and
not to swerve from the path of reason.
Now all this requires great personal courage ; but courage and
it calls also for great intellectual abihty by reflection discretion.
G 81
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
constituere, quid accidere possit in utramque partem,
et quid agendum sit, cum quid evenerit, nec com-
mittere, ut aliquando dicendum sit : Non putaram."
Haec sunt opera magni animi et excelsi et pru-
dentia consilioque fidentis; temere autem in acie
versari et manu cum lioste confligere immane quid-
dam et beluarum simile est ; sed cum tempus necessi-
tasque postulat, decertandum manu est et mors
servituti turpitudinique anteponenda.
82 XXIV. De evertendis autem diripiendisque urbibus
valde considerandum est ne quid temere, ne quid cru-
deliter. Idque est magni viri, rebus agitatis punire
sontes, multitudinem conservare, in omni fortuna
recta atque honesta retinere. Ut enim sunt, quem
ad modum supra dixi, qui urbanis rebus bellicas
anteponant, sic reperias multos, quibus periculosa et
calida consilia quietis et cogitatis^ splendidiora et
maiora videantur.
83 Nunquam omnino periculi fuga committendum est,
ut imbelles timidique videamur, sed fugiendum illud
etiam, ne offeramus nos periculis sine causa, quo esse
nihil potest stultius. Quapropter in adeundis peri-
cuHs consuetudo imitanda medicorum est, qui leviter
aegrotantes leniter curant, gravioribus autem morbis
periculosas curationes et ancipites adhibere cogun-
tur. Quare in tranquillo tempeslatem adversam
^calida Nonius, Edd.; callida MSS.
* consilia quietis et cogiiatis Edd. ; consilia et quietis et
cogitationis A. B H a b; consilia et quietis cogitationibus Q p.
82
BOOK I. xxiii-xxiv
to anticipate the future, to discover some time in
advance what may happen whether for good or for
ill, and what must be done in any possible event, and
never to be reduced to having to say "l had not
thought of that."
These are the activities that mark a spirit, strong,
high, and self-rehant in its prudence and wisdom.
But to mix rashly in the fray and to fight hand to
hand with the enemy is but a barbarous and brutish
kind of business. Yet when the stress of circum-
stances demands it, we must gird on the sword and
prefer death to slavery and disgrace.
XXIV. As to destroying and plundering cities, let
rae saj- that great care should be taken that nothing
be done in reckless cruelty or wantonness. And it is
a great man's duty in troublous times to single out
the guilty for punishment, to spare the many, and in
every turn of fortune to hold to a true and honour-
able course. For whereas there are many, as I have
said before, who place the achievements of war above
those of peace, so one may find many to whom
adventurous, hot-headed counsels seem more brilliant
and more impressive than calm and well-considered
measures.
We must, of course, never be guilty of seeming Courage in timc
cowardly and craven in our avoidance of danger ; but aingeu ^^"^
we must also beware of exposing ourselves to danger
needlessly. Nothing can be more foolhardy than
that. Accordingly, in encountering danger we
should do as doctors do in their practice : in light
cases of illness they give mild treatment ; in cases of
dangerous sickness they are compelled to apply
hazardous and even desperate remedies. It is, there-
fore, only a madman who, in a calm, would pray
g2 83
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
optare dementis est, subvenire autem tempestati
quavis ratione sapientis, eoque magis, si plus adipi-
scare re explicata boni quam addubitata mali.
Periculosae autem rerum actiones partim iis^ sunt,
qui eas suscipiunt, partim rei publicae. Itemque
alii de vita, alii de gloria et benivolentia civium in
discrimen vocantur. Promptiores igitur debemus
esse ad nostra pericula quam ad communia dimicare-
que paratius de honore et gloria quam de ceteris
commodis.
84 Inventi autem multi sunt, qui non modo pecu-
niam, sed etiam -vitam profundere pro patria parati
essent, iidem gloriae iacturam ne minimam quidem
facere vellent, ne re publica quidem postulante ; ut
Callicratidas, qui, cum Lacedaemoniorum dux fuisset
Peloponnesiaco bello multaque fecisset egregie, ver-
tit ad extremum omnia, cum consilio non paruit
eorum, qui classem ab Arginusis removendam nec
cum Atheniensibus dimicandum putabant; quibus
ille respondit Lacedaemonios classe illa amissa aHam
parare posse, se fugere sine suo dedecore non posse.
Atque haec quidem Lacedaemoniis^ plaga mediocris,
illa pestifera, qua, cum Cleombrotus invidiam timens
temere cum Epaminonda conflixisset Lacedaemoni-
orum opes corruerunt.
* iis Edd. ; his MSS.
^guidem Lacedaemoniis Edd., quidem de Lacedaemoniis
MSS.
''Such as the esteem and good-will of fellow-citizens ;
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; the exisf*"'^^^ of
the state and all the advantages it brings.
84
BOOK I. xxiv
for a storm ; a wise man's way is, when the storm
does come, to withstand it with all the means at his
commandj and especially, when the advantages to
be expected in case of a successful issue are greater
than the hazards of the struggle.
The dangers attending great afFairs of state fall Patriotism and
sometimes upon those who undertake them, some- ^^ "^^"' °*'
times upon the state. In carrying out such enter-
prises, some run the risk of losing their Hves, others
their reputation and the good-will of their fellow-
citizens. It is our duty, then, to be more ready to
endanger our own than the pubhc welfare and to
hazard honour and glory more readily than other
advantages.*
Many, on the other hand, have been found who
were ready to pour out not only their money but
their hves for their country and yet would not
consent to make even the shghtest sacrifice of per-
sonal glory — even though the interests of their
country demanded it. For example, when Calhcra-
tidas, as Spartan admiral in the Peloponnesian War,
had won many signal successes, he spoiled every-
thing at the end by refusing to hsten to the proposal
of those who thought he ought to withdraw his fleet
from the Arginusae and not to risk an engagement
with the Athenians. His answer to them was that
" the Spartans could build another fleet, if they lost
that one, but he could not retreat without dishonour
to himself " And yet what he did dealt only a
shght blow to Sparta; there was another which
proved disastrous, when Cleombrotus in fear of criti-
cism recklessly went into battle against Epaminon-
das. In consequence of that, the Spartan power
fell.
85
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
Ann. xii, Ouanto Q. Maximus melius! de quo Ennius:
Vahlen-^, 370-372 ^^ , ,. , . .
Unus nomo nobis cunetando restituit rem.
Noenum rumores ponebat ^ ante salutem.
Ergo postque magisque viri nunc gloria claret.
Quod genus peccandi vitandum est etiam in rebus
urbanis. Sunt enim, qui, quod sentiunt, etsi opti-
mum sitj tamen invidiae metu non audeant ^ dicere.
85 XXV. Omnino qui rei publicae praefuturi sunt,
Rep. i. 342 E (Juo Platonis praecepta teneant, unum, ut utilitatem
civium sic tueantur, ut, quaecumque agunt, ad eam
Rep. iv, 420 R refcrant obliti commodorum suorum, alterum, ut
totum corpus rei publicae curent, ne, dum partem
aliquam tuentur, reliquas deserant. Ut enim tutela,
sic procuratio rei publicae ad eorum utilitatem, qui
commissi sunt, nbn ad.eorum, quibus commissa est,
gerenda est. Qui afttem parti civium consulunt,
partem neglegunt, rem perniciosissimam in civitatem
inducunt, seditionem atque discordiam; ex quo
evenit, ut alii populares, alii studiosi optimi cuius-
que videantur, pauci universorum.
86 Hinc apud Atheniensis magnae discordiae, in
nostra re publica non solum seditiones, sed etiam
pestifera bella civilia; quae gravis et fortis civis et
"^ Noenum rumores ponehat Lachmann (ad Lucr. III,
198) ; Non enim rumores ponebat MSS. ; A^on ponebat enim
alii.
^ audeant Ernesti ; audent MSS., Bt.', Heine.
*Sacrificing public interests to personal glory.
l» From the death of Pericles on.
i^Such as the conspiracy of Catiline.
^ The civil wars of Marius and SuUa, Caesar and
Pompey.
86
BOOK 1. xxiv-xxv
How much better was the conduct of Quintus
Maximus! Of him Ennius says :
"One man — and he alone — restored our state by
delaying.
Not in the least did fame with him take prece-
dence of safety ;
Therefore now does his glory shine bright, and it
grows ever brighter."
This sort of ofFence'* niust be avoided no less in
poUtical Ufe. For there are men who for fear of
giving offence do not darc to express their honest
opinion, no matter how exceUent. ^^^
XXV. Those who propose to take charge of the P^^K , ..
^:, ^ . administration
affairs of government sliould not lail to remember two must be iree
of Plato's rules : first, to keep the good of the people ^""^
so clearly in view that regardless of their own in-
terests they wiU make their every action conform to
that; second, to care for the welfare of the whole
body poUtic and not in serving the interests of some (i) partisanship
one party to betray the rest. For the administra-
tion of the government, Uke the office of a trustee,
must be conducted for the benefit of those entrusted
to one's care, not of those to whom it is entrusted.
Now, those who care for the interests of a part of
the citizens and neglect another part, introduce
into the civil service a dangerous element — dissen-
sion and party strife. The result is that some
are found to be loyal supporters of the democratic,
others of the aristocratic party, and few of the nation
as a whole.
i As a result of this party spirit bitter strife arose
at Athens,'' and in our own country not only dis-
sensions'^ but also disastrous civil wars^ broke oct.
87
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
in re publica dignus principatu fugiet atque oderit
tradetque se totum rei publicae neque opes aut
potentiam consectabitur totamque eam sic tuebitur,
ut omnibus consulat; nec vero criminibus falsis in
odium aut invidiam quemquam vocabit omninoque
ita iustitiae honestatique adliaerescetj ut, dum ea
conservet, quamvis graviter offendat mortemque
oppetat potius quam deserat illa, quae dixi.
87 Miserrima omnino est ambitio honorumqtie con-
ep. vi, 48S B; tcntio, de qua praeclare apud eundem est Platonem,
J9C ^^
similiter facere eos, qui inter se contenderent, uter
potius rem publicam administraret, ut si nautae cer-
seTc^"' tarent, quis eorum potissimum gubernaret." Idem-
856B ' que praecipit, ut eos adversarios existimemus, qui
arma contra ferant, non eos, qui suo iudicio tueri
rem publicam velint," qualis fuit inter P. Africanum
et Q. Metelhim sine acerbitate dissensio.
S8 Nec vero audiendi, qui graviter inimicis irascen-
dum putabunt idque magnanimi et fortis viri esse
censebunt; nihil enim laudabilius, nihil.magno et
praeclaro viro dignius placabihtate atque clementia.
In libcris vero popuhs et in iuris aequabihtate exer-
88
BOOK I. XXV
All this the citizen who is patriotic, brave, and wortliy
of a leading place in the state will shim with abhor-
rence ; he will dedicate himself unreservedly to his
country, without aiming at influence or power for
himself; and he will devote himself to the state in
its entirety in such a way as to further the interests
of all. Besides, he will not expose anyone to hatred
or disrepute by groundless charges, but he will
surely cleave to justice and honour so closely that he
will submit to any loss, however heavy, rather than
be untrue to them, and will face death itself rather
than renounce them.
A most wretched custom, assuredly, is our elec- (2) self-seeking,
tioneering and scrambling for office. Concerning
this also we find a fine thought in Plato: Those
who compete against one another/' he says, to see
which of two candidates shall administer the govern-
ment, are like sailors quarrelhng as to which one of
them shall do the steering." And he Hkewise lays
down the rule that we should regard only those as
adversaries who take up ai-ms against the state, not
those who strive to have the government adminis-
tered according to their convictions. This was the
spirit of the disagreement between PubHus Africanus
and Quintus Metelhis : there was in it no trace of
rancour.
Neither must we hsten to those who think that (3) vindictive-
one should indulge in violent anger against one's '^*'^*'
pohtical enemies and imagine that such is the
attitude of a great-spirited, brave man. For
nothing is more commendable, nothing more
becoming in a pre-eminently great man than cour-
tesy and forbearance. Indeed, in a free people,
where all enjoy equal rights before the law^ we
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cenda etiam est facilitas et altitudo animi, quae
dicitur, ne, si irascamur aut intempestive accedenti-
bus aut impudenter rogantibus, in morositatem
inutilem et odiosam incidamus. Et tamen ita pro-
bunda est mansuetudo atque clementia, ut adhibeatur
rei publicae causa severitas^ sine qua administrari
civitas non potest. Omnis autem et animadversio
et castigatio contumelia vacare debet neque ad eius,
qui punitur' aliquem aut verbis castigat/ sed ad rei
publicae utilitatem referri.
89 Cavendum est etiam, ne maior poena quam culpa
sit, et ne isdem de causis alii plectantur, alii ne
appellentur quidem. Prohibenda autem maxime
est ira in puniendo ; numquam enim, iratus qui acce-
det ad poenam, mediocritatem illam tenebit, quae
est inter nimium et parum, quae placet Peripateticis,
et recte placet, modo ne laudarent iracundiam et
dicerent utiliter a natura datam. Illa vero omnibus
in rebus repudianda est optandumque, ut ii, qui
praesunt rei publicae, legum similes sint, quae ad
puniendum non iracundia, sed aequitate dicuntur.
90 XXVI. Atque etiam in rebus prosperis et ad
voluntatem nostram fluentibus superbiam magno-
^ puiiitur Nonlus, Edd. ; punii a ; puniet A B H b c.
2 castigat MSS.; fatigat Nonius, Orelli.
» The quality elsewliere expressed by Cicero with paO&rrit
— ' depth,' ' reserve,' the art of concealing' and controUing'
one's feelings under an outward serenity of manner.
90
BOOK I. xxv-xxvi
must school ourselves to afFability and what is called
mental poise"*; for if we are irritated when people
intrude upon us at unseasonable hours or make un-
reasonable requests, we shall develop a sour^ churHsh
temper, prejudicial to ourselves and ofFensive to
others. And yet gentleness of spirit and forbear-
ance are to be commended only with the under-
standing that strictness may be exercised for the
good of the state; for without that, the govern-
ment cannot be well administered. On the other
hand, if punishment or correction must be adminis-
tered, it need not be insulting; it ought to have
regard to the welfare of the state, nottothe personal
satisfaction of the man who administers the punish-
ment or reproof.
We should take care also that the punishment W anger
shall not be out of proportion to the ofFence, and
that some shall not be chastised for the same fault
for which others are not even called to account. In
administering punishment it is above all necessary
to allow no trace of anger. For if anyone proceeds
in a passion to inflict punishment, he will never
observe that happy mean which lies between excess
and defect. This doctrine of the mean is approved
by the Peripatetics — and wisely approved, if only
they did not speak in praise of anger and tell us
that it is a gift bestowed on us by Nature for a good
purpose. But in reality, anger is in every circum-
stance to be eradicated ; and it is to be desired that
they who administer the government should be Hke
the laws, which are led to inflict punishment not by
wrath but by justice^^^
XXVI. Again, when fortune smiles and the stream Fortitude in
of hfe flows according to our wishes, let us dihgently P''"*?®"'^*
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pere, fastidium arrogantiamque fugiamus. Nam ut
adversas res, sic seeundas immoderate ferre levitatis
est, praeclaraque est aequabilitas in omni vita et
idem semper vultus eademque frons, ut de Socrate
itemque^ de C. Laelio accepimus.^ Philippum qui-
dem, Macedonum regem^ rebus gestis et gloria
superatum a filio, facilitate et humanitate video
superiorem fuisse ; itaque alter semper magnus, alter
saepe turpissimus; ut recte praecipere videantur,
qui monent, ut, quanto superiores simus, tanto nos
geramus summissius. Panaetius quidem Africanum,
auditorem et famiharem suum, solitum ait dicere,
'^ut equos propter crebras contentiones proeliorum
ferocitate exsultantes domitoribus tradere soleant,
ut iis ^ facilioribus possint uti, sic homines secundis
rebus effrenatos sibique praefidentes tamquam in
gyrum rationis et doctrinae duci oportere, ut
perspicerent rerum humanarum imbecilHtatem varie-
tatemque fortunae."
91 Atque etiam in secundissimis rebus maxime est
utendum consilio amicorum iisque maior etiam quam
ante tribuenda auctoritas. Isdemque temporibus
cavendum est, ne assentatoribus patefaciamus auris
neve^ adulari nos sinamus, in quo faUi facile est;
tales enim nos esse putamus, ut iure laudemur; ex
^ itenique H- a, Edd. ; idcmqiie A B H* L b c.
2 accepitmis B'^ a c, Edd. ; accipiinus A B' H b.
8«^ Edd.; A«5MSS.
* neve Nonius, Edd. ; nec MSS.
92
BOOK I. xxvi
avoid all arrogance, haughtiness, and pride. For it
is as much a sign of weakness to give way to one's
feelings in success as it is in adversity. But it
is a fine thing to keep an unruffled temper, an un-
changing mien, and the same cast of countenance
in every condition of life; tliis, history tells us,
was characteristic of Socrates and no less of Gaius
Laehus. Philip, king of Macedon, I observe, how-
ever surpassed by his son in achievements and fame,
was superior to him in affabihty and refinement.
Philip, accordingly, was always great ; Alexander,
often infamously bad. There seems to be sound
advice, therefore, in this word of warning : The
higher we are placed, the more humbly should we Humility.
walk." Panaetius tells us that Africanus, his pupil
and friend, used to say : As, when horses have
become mettlesome and unmanageable on account
of their frequent participation in battles, their
owners put them in the hands of trainers to make
them more tractable; so men, who through pros-
perity have become restive and over self-confident,
ought to be put into the training-ring, so to speak,
of reason and learning, that they may be brought to
comprehend the fiailty of human affairs and the
fickleness of fortune."
The greater our prosperity, moreover, the more
should we seek the counsel of friends, and the
greater the heed that should be given to their
advice. Under such circumstances also we must
beware of lending an ear to sycophants or allowing
them to impose upon us with their flattery. For
it is easy in this way to deceive ourselves, since
we thus come to think ourselves duly entitled to
praise ; and to this frame of mind a thousand delusions
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quo nascuntur innumerabilia peccata, cum homines
inflati opinionibus turpiter irridentur et in maximis
versantur erroribus.
Sed haec quidem hactenus.
92 Illud autem sic est iudicandum, maximas geri res
et maximi animi ab iis,^ qui res publicas regant,
quod earum administratio latissime pateat ad phiri-
mosque pertineat; esse autem magni animi et fuisse
multos etiam in vita otiosa, qui aut investigarent
aut conarentur magna quaedam seseque suarum
rerum finibus continerent aut interiecti inter philo-
sophos et eos, qui rem publicam administrarent,
delectarentur re sua famihari non eam quidem omni
ratione exaggerantes neque excludentes ab eius usu
suos potiusque et amicis impertientes et rei pubhcae,
si quando usus esset. Quae primum bene parta^ sit
nullo neque turpi quaestu neque odioso, deinde
augeatur ratione, diligentia, parsimonia,^ tum quam
plurimis, modo dignis, se utilem praebeat nec
Hbidini potius luxuriaeque quam hberahtati et bene-
ficentiae pareat.
Haec pi-aescripta servantem licet magnifice, gra-
viter animoseque vivere atque etiam simphciter,
fideliter, t vere hominum amice.
93 XXVII. Sequitur, ut de una rehqua parte
honestatis dicendum sit, in qua verecundia et quasi
Uts Edd.; /iis MSS.
2 parfa BS Edd. ; parata A B^ H L a b c.
'^ deinde . . . parsimonia Edd., after Unger, transpose ;
in MSS. it follows tum . . . pareat.
Ȥ70.
94>
BOOK 1. xxvi-xxvfi
may be traced, when men are pufFed up with conceit
and expose themselves to ignominy and ridicule by
committing the most egregious blunders.
So much for this subject.
To revert to the original question^ — we must Greatness of
decide that the most important activities, those ^nd in"private
most indicative of a great spirit, are performed by ''^^-
the men who direct the afFairs of nations ; for such
public activities have the widest scope and toucli
the lives of the most people. But even in the Hfe
of retirement there are and there have been many
high-souled men who have been engaged in impor-
tant inquiries or embarked on most important
enterprises and yet kept themselves within the
Hmits of their own affairs; or, taking a middle
course between philosophers on the one hand and
statesmen on the other, they were content with
managing their own property — not increasing it by
any and every means nor debarring their kindred
from the enjoyment of it, but rather, if ever there
were need, sharing it with their friends and with
the state. Only let it, in the first place, be honestly
acquired, by the use of no dishonest or fraudulent
means; let it, in the second place, increase by
wisdom, industry, and thrift; and, finally, let it
be made available for the use of as many as possible
(if only they are M-orthy) and be at the service of
generosity and beneficence rather than of sensuality
and excess.
By observing these rules, one may live in magnifi-
cence, dignity, and independence, and yet in honour,
truth and charity toward all.
XXVII. We have next to discuss the one re- d. Temperance.
maining division of moral rectitude. That is the one
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quidam ornaUis vitae, temperantia et modestia
omnisque sedatio perturbationum animi et rerum
modus cernitur. Hoc loco continetur id, quod dici
Latine decorum potest ; Graece enim TrpeTrov dici-
tur. Huius' vis ea est, ut ab honesto non queat
94- separari ; nam et, quod decet, honestum est et,
quod honestum est, decet ; qualis autem differentia
sit honesti et decori, facilius intellegi quam explanari
potest. Quicquid est enim, quod deceat, id tum
apparet, cum antegressa est honestas. Itaque non
solum in hac parte honestatis, de qua hoc loco
disserendum est, sed etiam in tribus superioribus
quid deceat apparet. Nam et ratione uti atque
oratione prudenter et agere, quod agas, considerate
omnique in re quid sit veri videre et tueri decet,
contraque falli, errare, labi, decipi tam dedecet
quam delirare et mente esse captum ; et iusta omnia
decora sunt, iniusta contra, ut turpia, sic indecora.
Similis est ratio fortitudinis. Quod enim viriliter
animoque magno fit, id dignum viro et decorum
videtur, quod contra, id ut turpe, sic indecorum.
95 Quare pertinet quidem ad omnem honestatem
hoc, quod dico, decorum, et ita pertinet, ut non
recondita quadam ratione cernatur, sed sit in
promptu. Est enim quiddam, idque intellegitur
^ dicitur. Huius Y.A6..; dicitur decorum. Aw/w.y MSS.
!' Decorum Cicero's attempt to translate irpiwov, means
an appreciation of the fitness of thingfs, propriety iii inward
feeling- or outward appearance, inspeech, behaviour, dress,
etc. Decorum is as didicult to translate into EngHsh as
irpiirov is to reproduce in Latin ; as an adjective, it is here
rendered by ' proper,' as a noun, by ' propriety.'
96
BOOK I. xxvii
in which we find considerateness and self-control,
which give, as it were, a sort of pohsh to Hfe; it
embraces also temperance, complete subjection of
all the passions, and moderation in all things.
Under this head is further included what, in Latin, Propriety
may be called decorum^ (propriety); for in Greek
it is called ■Kpkirov.^ Such is its essential nature,
that it is inseparable from moral goodness ; for wliat
is proper is morally right, and what is morally right
is proper. The nature of the difference between
morahty and propriety can be more easily felt than
expressed. For whatever propriety may be, it is
manifested only when there is pre-existing moral
rectitude. And so, not onlj'^ in this division of moral
rectitude which we have now to discuss but also in
the three preceding divisions, it is clearly brought out
what propriety is. For to employ reason and speech Proprietyand
rationally, to do with careful consideration what- virtyl^ '"
ever one does, and in everything to discern the
truth and to uphoid it — that is proper. To be
mistaken, on the other hand, to miss the truth,
to fall into error, to be led astray — that is as
improper as to be deranged and lose one's mind.
And all things just are proper; all things unjust,
Hke all things immoral, are improper.
The relation of propriety to fortitude is similar.
What is done in a manly and courageous spirit seems
becoming to a man and proper; what is done in a
contrary fashion is at once immoral and improper.
This propriety, therefore, of which I am speak-
ing belongs to each division of moral rectitude;
and its relation to the cardinal virtues is so close,
that it is perfectly self-evident and does not require
any abstruse process of reasoning to see it. For
H 97
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
in omni virtute, quod deceat ; quod cogitatione
magis a virtute potest quam re separari. Ut venu-
stas et pulchritudo corporis secerni non potest a
valetudine, sic hoc^ de quo loquimur, decorum totum
illud quidem est cum virtute confusum, sed mente
et cogitatione distinguitur.
96 Est autem eius discriptio^ duplex; nam et gene-
rale quoddam decorum intellegimus, quod in omni
honestate versatur, et ahud huic subiectum, quod
pertinet ad singulas partes honestatis. Atque illud
superius sic fere definiri solet: decorum id esse,
quod consentaneum sit hominis excellentiae in eo, in
quo natura eius a reliquis animantibus difFerat.
Quae autem pars subiecta generi est, eam sic defini-
unt, ut id decorum velint esse, quod ita naturae
consentaneum sit, ut in eo moderatio et temperantia
appareat cum specie quadam Hberali.
97 XXVIII. Haec ita intellegi possumus existimare
ex eo decoro, quod poetae sequuntur: de quo aho
loco plura dici solent. Sed tum^ servare illud poe-
tas, quod deceat, dicimus, cum id, quod quaque
persona dignum est, et fit et dicitur; ut, si Aeacus
aut Minos diceret:
oderint, dum metuant,
aut:
natis sepulchro ipse 6st parens,
* discriptio b Edd. ; descriptio A B H a ; distinctio L c
' Sed tum L c, Edd. ; sed ut tum A B H b.
98
BOOK I. xxvii-xxviii
there is a certain element of propriety perceptible
in every act of moral rectitude; and tliis can be
separated from virtue theoretically better than it
can be practically. As comeHness and beauty of
person are inseparable from the notion of health,
so this propriety of which we are speaking, while
in fact completely blended with virtue, is mentally
and theoretically distinguishable from it.
The classification of propriety, moreover, is two- Propriety
fold : (l ) we assume a general sort of propriety, which "^ '^^ '
is found in moral goodness as a whole; then (2)
there is another propriety, subordinate to this, which
belongs to the several divisions of moral goodness.
The former is usually defined somewhat as follows:
Propriety is that which harmonizes with man's
superiority in those respects in which his nature
differs from that of the rest of the animal creation."
And they so define the special type of propriety
which is subordinate to the general notion, that
they repi-esent it to be that propriety which
harmonizes with nature, in the sense that it
manifestly embraces temperance and self-control,
together with a certain deportment such as becomes
a gentleman.
XXVIII. That this is the common acceptation of Poetic
propriety we may infer from that propriety which P''°p"^*'''
poets aim to secure. Concerning that, I have occa-
sion to say more in another connection. Now,
we say that the poets observe propriety, when every
word or action is in accord with each individual
character. For example, if Aeacus or Minos said :
Let them hate, if only they fear/'
or:
The father is himself his ch.:ldren's tomb,"
h2 qo
CICEIIO DE OFFICIIS
indecorum videretur, quod eos fuisse iustos accepi-
mus; at Atreo dicente plausus excitantur; est enim
digna persona oratio. Sed poetae^ quid quemque
deceat, ex persona iudicabunt; nobis autem perso-
nam imposuit ipsa natura magna cum excellentia
praestantiaque animantium reliquarum.
98 Quoeirca poetae in magna varietnte personarum,
etiam vitiosis quid conveniat et quid deceat, vide-
bunt, nobis autem cum a natura constantiae, mode-
rationis, temperantiae, verecundiae partes datae sint,
cumque eadem natura doceat non neglegere, quem
ad modum nos adversus homines geramus, efficitur,
ut et illud, quod ad omnem honestatem pertinet,
decorum quam late fusum sit, appareat et hoc, quod
spectatur in uno quoque genere virtutis. Ut enim
pulchritudo corporis apta compositione membrorum
movet oculos et delectat hoc ipso, quod inter sc
omnes partes cum quodam lepore consentiunt, sic
hoc decorum, quod elucet in vita, movet approba-
tionem eorum, quibuscum vivitur, ordine et con-
stantia et moderatione dictorum omnium at^ue
factorum.
99 Adhibenda est igitur quaedam reverentia adver-
sus homines et optimi cuiusque et reliquorum. Nam
neglegere, quid de se quisque sentiat, non solum arro-
* reliquarum A' B' H a b ; reliquorum S^ B- c.
100
BOOK I. xxviii
that would seem improper, because we are told that
they were just men. But when Atreus speaks those
lines, they call forth applause ; for the sentiment is
in keeping with the character. But it will rest
with the poets to decidc;, according to the individual
characters^ what is proper for each ; but to us Nature
herself has assigned a character of surpassing excel-
lence, far superior to that of all other living crea-
tures, and in accoi-dance with that we shall have to
decide what propriety requires.
The poets will observe^ therefore, amid a great
variety of characters, what is suitable and proper
for all — even for the bad. But to us Nature Morai
has assigned the roles of steadfastness, temperance, ^^°P^'''-^y
self-control, and considerateness of others ; Nature
also teaches us not to be careless in our behaviour
towards our fellow-men. Hence we may clearly see
how wide is the application not only of that pro-
priety which is essential to moral rectitude in
general, but also of the special propriety which is
displayed in each particular subdivision of virtue.
For, as physical beauty with harmonious symmetrj^
of the limbs engages the attention and delights the
eye, for the very reason that all the parts combine
in harmony and grace, so this propriety, which
shines out in our conduct, engages the approbation
of our fellow-men by the order, consistency, and
self-control it imposes upon every word and deed.
We should, therefore, in our dealings with people Considerateuesi
show what I may almost call reverence toward all
men — not only toward the men who are the best, but
toward others as well. For indifference to publie
opinion implies not merely self-sufficiency, but even
total lack of principle. There is, too, a difference be-
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gantis estj sed etiam omnino dissoluti. Est autem, quod
differat in hominum ratione habenda inter iustitiam
et verecundiam. lustitiae partes sunt non violare
homines, verecundiae non offendere ; in quo maxime
vis perspicitur decori.
His igitur expositis, quale sit id, quod decere
dicimuSj intellectum puto.
100 Officium autem, quod ab eo ducitur, hanc primum
habet viam, quae deducit ad convenientiam conser-
vationemque naturae; quam si sequemur ducem,
numquam aberrabimus sequemurque et id, quod
acutum et perspicax natura est, et id, quod ad ho-
minum consociationem accommodatum, et id, quod
vehemens atque forte. Sed maxima vis decori in
hac inest parte, de qua disputamus; neque enim
solum corporis, qui ad naturam apti sunt, sed multo
etiam magis animi motus probandi, qui item ad
naturam accommodati sunt.
101 Duplex est enim vis animorum atque natura;^
una pars in appetitu posita est, quae est opiii] Graece,
quae hominem huc et illuc rapit, altera in ratione,
quae docet et" explanat, quid faciendum fugiendum-
que ^ sit. Ita fit, ut ratio praesit, appetitus obtem-
peret.
XXIX. Omnis autem actio vacare debet teme-
ritate et neglegentia nec vero agere quicquam,
cuius non possit causam probabilem reddere; haec
est enim fere discriptio* officii.
102 Efficiendum autem est, ut appetitus rationi
^ natura Edd.; naturae MSS.
2 ^^ L c, Edd. ; not in A B H b.
^ fugiendumque A B H a b ; fugiendumve L c p.
*discriptio B H, Bt.^; descriptio A L a b c, Bt.'^ MuIIer,
Heine.
102
BOOK I. xxviii-xxix
twecR justice and considerateness in one's relations
'o one's fellow-men. It is the function of justice
not to do wrong to one's fellow-men; of consider-
ateness, not to wound their feehngs ; and in this the
essence of propriety is best seen.
With the foregoing exposition, I think it is clear
what the nature is of what we term propriety.
Further, as to the duty which has its source in Dutiespre-
propriety, the first road on which it conducts us p^J^ew^ ^^ ^*^"*
leads to harmony with Nature and the faithful ob-
servance of her laws. If we follow Nature as our (i) foUow
guide, we shall never go astray, but we shall be '^^^"'^®'
pursuing that wliich is in its nature clear-sighted
and penetrating (Wisdom), that which is adapted to
promote and strengthen society (justice), and that
which is strong and courageous (Fortitude). But
the very essence of propriety is found in the division
of virtue which is now under discussion (Temper-
ance). For it is only when they agree with Nature's
laws that we should give our approval to the move-
ments not only of the body, but still more of the
spirit.
Now we find that tne essential activity of the (2)subject
spirit is twofold : one force is appetite (that is, opfir'), reason!^ *"
in Greek), which impels a man this way and that ;
the other is reason, which teaches and explains
what should be done and what should be left undone.
The result is that reason commands, appetite obeys.
XXIX. Again, every action ought to be free from
undue haste or carelessness ; neither ought we to
do anything for which we cannot assign a reasonable
motive; for in these words we have practically a
definition of duty.
The appetites, moreover, must be made to obey
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oboediant eamque neque praecurrant nec propter
pigritiam aut ignaviam deserant sintque tranquilli
atque omni animi perturbatione careant; ex quo
elucebit omnis constantia omnisque moderatio. Nam
qui appetitus longius evagantur et tamquam ex-
sultantes sive cupiendo sive fugiendo non satis a
ratione retinentur, ii^ sine dubio finem et modum
transeunt ; relinquunt enim et abiciunt oboedientiam
nec rationi parent, cui sunt subiecti lege naturae;
a quibus non modo animi perturbantur, sed etiam
corpora. Licet ora ipsa cernere iratorum aut eorum,
qui aut libidine aliqua aut metu commoti sunt aut
voluptate nimia gestiunt; quorum omnium voltus,
voces, motus statusque mutantur.
103 Ex quibus illud intellegitur, ut ad officii formam
revertamur, appetitus omnes contrahendos sedan-
dosque esse excitandamque animadversionem et
dibgentiam^ ut ne quid temere ac fortuito, incon-
siderate neglegenterque agamus. Neque enim ita
generati a natura sumus^ ut ad ludum et iocum facti
esse videamur, ad severitatem potius et ad quaedam
studia graviora atque maiora. Ludo autem et ioco
uti illo quidem licetj sed sicut somno et quietibus
ceteris tum, cum gravibus seriisque rebus satis
fecerimus. Ipsumque genus iocandi non profusum
nec immodestum^ sed ingenuum et facetum esse
debet. Ut enim pueris non omnem ludendi licen-
tiam damus, sed eam, quae ab honestatis actionibus
' ii Edd. ; hi a ; hii H ; hij c.
104
BOOK I. xxix
the reins of reason and neither allowcd to run ahead
of it nor from listlessness or indolence to lag behind ;
but people should enjoy calm of soul and be free
from every sort of passion. As a result strength Seif-controi ir
of character and self-control will shine forth in all passions,
their lustre. For when appetites overstep their
bounds and galloping away, so to speak, whether
in desire or aversion, are not well held in hand
by reason, they clearly overleap all bound and
measure; for they throw obedience ofF and leave
it behind and refuse to obey the reins of reason^
to which they are subject by Nature's laws. And
not only minds but bodies as well are disordered by
such appetites. We need only to look at the faces
of men in a rage or under the influence of some
passion or fear or beside themselves with extravagant
joy : in every instance their features, voices, motions,
attitudes undergo a change.
From all this — to return to our sketch of duty —
we see that all the appetites must be controlled
and calmed and that we must take infinite pains
not to do anything from mere impulse or at random,
without due consideration and care. For Nature has (2) amusemcnts,'
not brought us into the world to act as if we were
created for play or jest, but rather for earnestness
and for some more serious and important pursuits.
We may, of course, indulge in sport and jest, but in
the same way as we enjoy sleep or other relaxations,
and only wlien we have satisfied the claims of our
earnest, serious tasks. Further than that, the man- (3) raiUery,
ner of jesting itself ouglit not to be extravagant or
immoderate, but refined and witty. For as we do
not grant our children unlimited licence to play,
but only such freedom as is not incompatible with
10.0
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
non sit aliena, sic in ipso ioco aliquod probi ingenii
104 lumen eluceat. Duplex omnino est iocandi genus,
unum illiberale, petulans, flagitiosum, obscenum,
alterum elegans, urbanum, ingeniosum, facetum.
Quo genere non modo Plautus noster et Atticorum
antiqua comoedia, sed etiam philosophorum Socra-
ticorum libri referti sunt, multaque multorum facete
dicta, ut ea, quae a sene Catone collecta sunt, quae
vocant aTTo4>Biyiiara. Facilis igitur est distinctio
ingenui et illiberalis ioci. Alter est, si tempore
fit, ut si remisso animo, gravissimo homine dignus,^
alter ne libero quidem, si rerum turpitudini adhi-
betur verborum^ obscenitas.
Ludendi etiam est quidam modus retinendus,
ut ne nimis omnia profundamus elatique voluptate
in aliquam turpitudinem delabamur. Suppeditant
autem et campus noster et studia venandi honesta
exempla ludendi.
105 XXX. Sed pertinet ad omnem officii quaestionem
semper in promptu habere, quantum natura hominis
pecudibus reliquisque beluis antecedat; illae nihil
sentiunt nisi voluptatem ad eamque feruntur omni
impetu, hominis autem mens discendo alitur et
cogitando, semper ahquid aut anquirit aut agit
videndique et audiendi delectatione ducitur. Quin
etiam, si quis est paulo ad voluptates propensior,
modo ne sit ex pecudum genere (sunt enim quidam
homines non re, sed nomine), sed si quis est paulo
^ Jit, ut si remisso animo, gravissimo homine dignus Ed.;
fit, ut (et c) remisso animo homine dignus MSS,;Jit aut si
rem. an. magno homine Madvig ',Jit, ut sit remissio animo,
hojnine dignus Ung^er.
^ turpitudini adhibetur verhorum A B H a b, Edd. ; turpi»
tudo adhibetur et verborum L c.
106
BOOK I. xxix-xxx
good conduct, so even in our jesting let the light
)4 of a pure character shine forth. There are, generally
speaking, two sorts of jest: the one^ coarse^ rude,
vicious, indecent ; the other, refined, polite, clever,
witty. With this latter sort not only our own
Plautus and the Old Comedy of Athens, but also
the books of Socratic philosophy abound; and we
have many witty sayings of many men — hke those
collected by old Cato under the title of Bons Mots
(or Apophthegms). So the distinction between the
elegant and the vulgar jest is an easy matter: the
one kind, if well timed (for instance, in hours of
mental relaxation), is becoming to the most dignified
person ; the other is unfit for any gentleman, if the
subject is indecent and the words obscene.
Then, too, certain bounds must be observed in
our amusements and we must be careful not to
carry things too far and, swept away by our passions,
lapse into some shameful excess. Our Campus,
however, and the amusements of the chase are
examples of wholesome recreation.
•5 XXX. But it is essential to every inquiry about
duty that we keep before our eyes how far superior
man is by nature to cattle and other beasts: they
have no thought except for sensual pleasure and
this they are impelled by every instinct to seek;
but man's mind is nurtured by study and medita-
tion; he is always either investigating or doing,
and he is captivated by the pleasure of seeing and
hearing. Nay, even if a man is more than ordinarily
inchned to sensual pleasures, provided, of course, (4)pleasure.
that lie be not quite on a level with the beasts of
the field (for some people are men only in name,
not in fact) — if, I say, he Is a little too susceptible
107
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
erectior, quamvis voluptate capiatur, occultat et
dissimulat appetitum voluptatis propter verecun-
diam.
106 Ex quo intellegitur corporis voluptatem non satis
esse dignam hominis praestantia, eamque contemni
et reici oportere ; sin sit quispiam, qui aliquid tribuat
voluptati, diligenter ei tenendum esse eius fruendae
modum. Itaque victus cultusque corporis ad vale-
tudinem referatur et ad vires, non ad voluptatem.
Atque etiam si considerare volumus/ quae sit in
natura excellentia et dignitas, intellegemus, quam
sit turpe diffluere luxuria et delicate ac molliter
vivere quamque honestum parce, continenter, severe,
sobrie.
107 Intellegendum etiam est duabus quasi nos a na-
tura indutos esse personis; quarum una communis
est ex eo, quod omnes participes sumus rationis
praestantiaeque eius, qua antecellimus bestiis, a qua
omne honestum decorumque trahitur, et ex qua ratio
inveniendi officii exquiritur, altera autem, quae pro-
prie singulis est tributa. Ut enim in corporibus
magnae dissimilitudines sunt (aHos videmus veloci-
tate ad cursum, alios viribus ad luctandum valere,
itemque in formis ahis dignitatem inesse, aliis venu-
statem), sic in animis exsistunt maiores etiam varieta-
1 08 tcs. Erat in L. Crasso, in L. PhiHppo multus lepos,
maior etiam magisque de industria in C. Caesare
* volumus A B' H* b; volemus B- H-, Bt., Heine; velimus
L ; vellemus c.
108
BOOK I. XXX
to the attractions of pleasure, he hides the fact,
however much he may be caught in its toils, and
for very shame conceals his appetite.
From this we see that sensual pleasure is quite
unworthy of the dignity of man and that we ought
to despise it and cast it from us; but if some one
should be found who sets some value upon sensual
gratification, he must keep strictly within the limits
of moderate indulgence. One's physical comforts
and wants, therefore, should be ordered according
to the demands of health and strength, not accord-
ing to the calls of pleasure. And if we will only
bear in mind the superiority and dignity of our
nature, we shall realize how wi'ong it is to abandon
ourselves to excess and to live in luxury and vokiptu-
ousness, and how right it is to live in thrift, self-
denial, simplicity, and sobriety,
We must reahze also that we are invested by xhe universai
Nature with two characters, as it were : one of these vufuaUature ot
is universal, arising from the fact of our being all man.
alilvc endowed with reason and with that superiority
which Hfts us above tlie brute. From this all
moraUty and propriety are derived, and upon it
depends the rational method of ascertaining our
duty. The other character is the one that is ludividual
assigned to individuals in particular. In the matter ^^'^^'^'"«nts.
of physical endowment there are great differences :
some, we see, excel in speed for the race, others in
strength for wrestling; so in point of personnl ap-
pearance, some have statehness, others comeliness.
Diversities of character are greater still. Lucius
Crassus and Lucius PhiHppus had a large fund of
wit; Gaius Caesar, Lucius's son, had a still richer
fund and employed it with more studied purpose.
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
L. filio; at isdem temporibus in M. Scauro et in
M. Druso adulescente singularis severitas, in C.
Laelio multa hilaritas, in eius familiari Scipione am-
bitio maior, vita tristior. De Graecis autem dulcem
et facetum festivique sermonis atque in omni orati-
one simulatorem, quem etpoiva Graeci^ nominarunt,
Socratem accepimus, contra Pythagoram et Periclem
summam auctoritatem consecutos sine ulla hilaritate.
Callidum Hannibalem ex Poenorum, ex nostris duci-
bus Q. Maximum accepimus, facile celare, tacere,
dissimulare, insidiari, praeripere hostium consilia.
In quo genere Graeci Themistoclem et Pheraeum
lasonem ceteris anteponunt ; in primisque versutum
et callidum factum Solonis, qui, quo et tutior eius
vita esset et plus ahquanto rei publicae prodesset,
furere se simulavit.
1 09 Sunt his alii multum dispares, simplices et aperti,
qui nihil ex occulto, nihil de insidiis agendum putant,
veritatis cultores, fraudis inimici, itemque alii, qui"
quidvis perpetiantur, cuivis deserviant, dum, quod
velint, consequantur, ut Sullam et M. Crassum vide-
bamus. Quo in genere versutissimum et patientis-
simum Lacedaemonium Lysandrum accepimus, con-
traque Callicratidam, qui praefectus classis proximus
post Lysandrum fuit; itemque in sermonibus alium
[quemque], quamvis^ praepotens sit, efficere, ut unus
' eipuua Graeci Edd. ; ironia graeci A B H b ; ironian graect
a ; greci mironian c.
'^qui A L c ; 51 B H a b.
^ aliunt [quemque] quamvis Ed. ; alium quemque quamvis
MSS. ; quemque aliuni quamvis p ; aliquem, quamvis
Pearce, Bt. ; alium quamvis, Facciolati, Heine.
MO
BOOK I. XXX
Contemporary with them, Marcus Scam-us and
Marcus Drusus, the younger, were examples of
unusual seriousness; Gaius LaeHus, of unbounded
jollity; while his intimate friend, Scipio, cherished
more serious ideals and lived a more austere life.
Among the Greeks, history tells us, Socrates was
fascinating and witty, a genial conversationalist ;
he was what the Greeks call etpcov — in every con-
versation, pretending to need information and pro-
fessing admiration for the wisdom of his companion.
Pythagoras and Pericles, on the other hand, reached
the heights of influence and power without any
seasoning of mirthfulness. We read that Hannibal,
among the Carthaginian generals^ and Quintus
Maximus, among our own, were shrewd and ready
at conceahng their plans, covering up their tracks,
disguising their movements, laying stratagems, fore-
stalHng the enemy's designs. In these quaUties the
Greeks rank Themistocles and Jason of Pherae
a.bove all others. Especially crafty and shrewd was
the device of Solon, who, to make his own life safer
and at the same time to do a considerably larger ser-
vice for his country, feigned insanity.
Then there are others, quite different from these,
straightforward and open, who think that nothing
should be done by underhand means or treachery.
They are lovers of truth, haters of fraud. There are
others still who will stoop to anything, truckle to any-
body, if only they may gain their ends. Such, we
saw, were Sulla and Marcus Crassus. The most crafty
and most persevering man of this type was Lysan-
der of Sparta, we are told ; of the opposite type was
Callicratidas, who succeeded Lysander as admii*al of
the fleet. So we find that another, no matter how
111
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
de multis esse videatur; quod in Catulo, et in
patre et in filio, itemque in Q. Mucio t Mancia^
vidimus. Audivi ex maioribus natu hoc idem fuisse
in P. Scipione Nasica, contraque patrem eius, illuni
qui Ti. Gracchi conatus perditos vindicavit, nullam
comitatem habuisse sermonis [ne Xenocratem qui-
dem, severissimum philosophorumj ^ ob eamque rem
ipsam magnum et clarum fuisse.
Innumerabiles aliae dissimiHtudines sunt naturae
morumque, minime tamen vituperandorum.
110 XXXI. Admodum autem tenenda sunt sua cuique
non vitiosa, sed tamen propria, quo facilius decorum
illud, quod quaerimus, retineatur. Sic enim est
faciendum, ut contra universam naturam nihil con-
tendamus, ea tamen conservata propriam nostram
sequamur, ut, etiamsi sint alia graviora atque mehora,
tamen nos studia nostra nostrae naturae regula*
metiamur; neque enim attinet naturae repugnare
nec quicquam sequi, quod assequi non queas. Ex
quo magis emergit, quale sit decorum illud, ideo
quia nihil decet invita Minerva, ut aiunt, id est
adversante et repugnante natura.
1 1 1 Omnino si quicquam est decorum, nihil est pro-
• et in patre et injilio A B b, Ed<l. ; et inpatre et filio H a ;
et patre et Jilio h c. itemque Vi H*, Bt'., Muller ; idemqiie
A H' L abc, Bt.'^, Heirte. in O Mucio\ Mancia Heine, Bt.^;
in q. mucio mantia B ; in q. vuitio mancia H L c ; in q,
viutio mantia a ; inq^ie mucio mantia b ; inque mutio mantia
A ; in q. muntio mantia p ; in Q. Mucio, Mancia Mullcr.
"^ ne [nec c) Xenocratem (-n L c) . . . philosophorum MSS.;
bracketed by Heumaiin, Edd.
* studia nostra nostrae naturae rc^ula Einesti, Bt., Hejne ;
studia nostra nostra (corr. e.\ nostii) regula A ; studia nostrac
regulae B ; studia nistrae reguld I \ ; studia nostra regula a ;
studia (corr. in studii) nostriregula b ; studia nostra naturae
regula L c, Nonius ; studia nostrae naturae regula Miiller.
11«
BOOK I. xxx-xxxi
eminent he may be, will condescend in social inter-
course to make himself appear but a very ordinary
person. Such graciousness of manner we have seen m
the case of Catulus — both father and son — and also
of Quintus Mucius Mancia. I have heard from my
elders that Pubhus Scipio Nasica was another master
of this art ; but his father, on the other hand — the
man who punished Tiberius Gracchus for his nefari-
ous undertakings — had no such gracious manner in
social intercourse [...], and because of that very fact
he rose to greatness and fame.
Countless other dissimilarities exist in natures and
charactersj and they are not in the least to be criti-
cized.
XXXI. Everybody, howeverj must resolutely hold Conduct must
fast to his own peculiar gifts, in so far as they are individuai
peculiar only and not vicious^ in order that propriety, ®° owments
which is the object of our inquiry, may the more
easily be secured. For we must so act as not to
oppose the universal laws of human nature, but,
while safeguarding those^ to follow the bent of our
own particular nature; and even if other careers
should be better and nobler, we may still regulate
our own pursuits by the standard of our own nature.
For it is of no avail to fight against one's nature or to
aim at what is impossible of attainment. From this
fact the nature of that propriety defined above comes
into still clearer light, inasmuch as nothing is proper
that goes against the grain," as the saying is —
that is, if it is in direct opposition to one's natural
genius.
If there is any such thing as propriety at all,
I 113
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
fecto magis quam aequabilitas cuvi^ universae vitae,
tum singularum actionum, quam conservare non
possiSj si aliorum naturam imitans omittas tuam.
Ut enim sermone eo debemus uti, qui innatus^ est
nobiSj ne, ut quidam, Graeca verba inculcantes iure
optimo rideamur, sic in actiones omnemque vitam
112 nullam discrepantiam conferre debemus. Atque
haec differentia naturarum tantam habet vim, ut non
numquam mortem sibi ipse consciscere alius debeat,
alius [in eadem causa] non debeat.^ Num enim alia
in causa M. Cato fuit, alia ceteri, qui se in Africa
Caesari tradiderunt? Atqui ceteris forsitan vitio
datum esset, si se interemissent, propterea quod
lenior eorum vita et mores fuerant faciliores, Catoni
cum incredibilem tribuisset natura gravitatem eam-
que ipse perpetua constantia roboravisset semperquc
in proposito susceptoque consilio permansisset, mo-
riendum potius quam tyranni vultus aspiciendus fuit.
113 Quam multa passus est Ulixes in illo errore
diuturno, cum et mulieribus, si Circe et Calypso
mulieres appellandae sunt, inserviret et in omni
sermone omnibus afFabilem [et iucundum]* esse
se vellet! domi vero etiam contumelias servorum
ancillarumque pertulit, ut ad id aliquando, quod
cupiebat, veniret. At Aiax, quo animo traditur,
milies oppetere mortem quam illa perpeti maluisset.
Quae contemplantes expendere oportebit, quid
^ cum Lambiniis, Edd.; not in MSS.
*innattis Bt., Edd. ; notus MSS.
' alius in eadem causa non deheat L c p, MuUer, Heine ;
not in A B H b ; alixis non debeat a ; alius [in eadem causa]
non debeat Bt., Ed.
* et iocundum L c p ; not in A B H a b ; [^/ iucundum]
Bt..Ed.
114
BOOK I. xxxi
it can be nothing more than uniform consistency
in the course of our life as a whole and all its indi-
vidual actions. And this uniform consistency one
could not maintain by copying the personal traits of
others and eHminating one's own. Por as we ought
to employ our mother-tongue, lest^ Hke certain peo-
ple who are continually dragging in Greek words,
we draw well deserved ridicule upon ourselves, so we
ought not to introduce anything foreign into our
actions or our hfe in general. Indeed, such diver- Thesame
sity of cliaracter carries witli it so great significance Hgh? fJr oni^'
that suicide may be for one man a duty, for another wrongfor
r,, . -\ -r^-, another.
[under tne same circumstancesj a cnme. Did
Marcus Cato find himself in one predicament, and
were the others, who surrendered to Caesar in
Africa, in another? And yet, perhaps, they would
have been condemned, if they had taken their lives ;
for their mode of Hfe had been less austere and
their characters more phable. But Cato had been
endowed by nature with an austerity beyond belief,
and he himself had strengthened it by unswerving
consistency and had remained ever true to his pur-
pose and fixed resolve; and it was for him to die
rather than to look upon the face of a tyrant.
How much Ulysses endured on those long
wanderings^ when he submitted to the service
even of women (if Circe and Calypso may be called
women) and strove in every word to be courteous
and complaisant to all! And arrived at home, he
brooked even the insults of his men-servants and maid-
servants, in order to attain in the end the object of
his desire. But Ajax, with the temper he is repre-
sented as having, would have chosen to meet death
a thousand times rather than sufFer such indignities !
If we take this into consideration, we shall see
I2 115
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
quisque habeat sui, eaque moderari nec velle ex-
periri, quam se aliena deceant; id enim maxime
quemque decet, quod est cuiusque maxime suum.
114 Suum} quisque igitur noscat ingenium acremque
se et bonorum et vitiorum suorum iudicem prae-
beat, ne scaenici plus quam nos videantur habere
prudentiae. Illi enim non optimas, sed sibi ac-
commodatissimas fabulas eligunt; qui voce freti
sunt, Epigonos Medumque, qui gestu, Melanippam,
Clytemnestram, semper Rupilius, quem ego memini,
Antiopam, non saepe Aesopus Aiacem. Ergo histrio
hoc videbit in scaena, non videbit sapiens vir in
vita?
Ad quas igitur res aptissimi erimus, in iis potissi-
mum elaborabimus ; sin aliquando necessitas nos ad
ea detruserit, quae nostri ingenii non erunt, omnis
adhibenda erit cura, meditatio, diligentia, ut ea si
non decore, at quam minime indecoi-e facere possi-
mus; nec tam^ est enitendum, ut bona, quae nobis
data non sint, sequamur, quam ut vitia fugiamus.
115 XXXII. Ac duabus iis personis, quas supra dixi,
tertia adiungitur, quam casus aliqui aut tempus
imponit; quarta etiam, quam nobismet ipsi iudicio
nostro accommodamus. Nam regna, imperia, nobi-
litas, honores, divitiae,' opes eaque, quae sunt his
contraria, in casu sita temporibus gubemantur; ipsi
' Suum Orelli ; not in MSS. ; but p has ingenium suum.
' tam L c, Edd. ; tam (i.e. tamen) A B H b.
^nobilitas, A., divitiae Ung-er; nobilitatem, h,, divitias
MSS.
«• The universal and the individual; § 107.
116
BOOK I. xxxi-xxxii
that it is each man's duty to weigh well what are Let every one
his own peculiar traits of character^ to regulate these character.
properly^ and not to wish to try how another man's
would suit him. For the more pecuharly his own
a man's character is, the better it fits him.
Every one, thereforCj should make a proper
estimate of his own natural abihty and show him-
self a critical judge of his own merits and defects;
in this respect we should not let actors display
more practical wisdom than we have. They select,
not the best plays, but the ones best suited to their
talents. Those who rely most upon the quahty of
their voice take the Epigoni and the Medus ; those
who place more stress upon the action, choose the
Melanippa and the Cly taemnestra ; Rupihus, whom
I remember, always played in the Antiope, Aesopus
rarely in the Ajax. Shall a player have regard to
this in choosing his role upon the stage, and a wise
man fail to do so in selecting his part in hfe ?
We shall, therefore, work to the best advantage
in that role to which we are best adapted. But
if at some time stress of circumstances shall thrust
us aside into some uncongenial part, we raust devote
to it all possible thought, practice, and pains, that
we may be able to perform it, if not with propriety,
at least with as httle impropriety as possible; and
we need not strive so hard to attain to points of
excellence that liave not been vouchsafed to us as
to correct the faults we have.
XXXII. To the two above-mentioned characters'
is added a third, which some chance or some cir-
cumstance imposes, and a fourth also, which we
assume by our own dehberate choice. Regal powers
and mihtavy commands, nobihty of birth and political
office, wealth and influence, and their opposites
117
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
autem gerere quam personam velimus, a nostra
voluntate proficiscitur. Itaque se alii ad philoso-
phiam, ahi ad ius civile, alii ad eloquentiam apphcant,
ipsarumque virtutum in aha ahus mavult excellere.
116 Quorum vero patres aut maiores ahqua gloria
praestiterunt, ii student plerumque eodem in genere
laudis excellere, ut Q. Mucius P. f. in iure civih,
Pauli fihus Africanus in re mihtari. Quidam autem
ad eas laudes, quas a patribus acceperunt, addunt
ahquam suam, ut hic idem Africanus eloquentia
cumulavit belhcam gloriam; quod idem fecit Timo-
theus Cononis fihus, qui cum belh laude non inferior
fuisset quam pater, ad eam laudem doctrinae et
ingenii gloriam adiecit. Fit autem interdum, ut
non nulli omissa imitatione maiorum suum quoddam
institutum consequantur, maximeque in eo plerum-
que elaborant ii,^ qui magna sibi proponunt obscuris
orti maioribus.
117 Haec igitur omnia, cum quaerimus, quid deeeat,
complecti animo et cogitatione debemus; in primis
autem constituendum est, quos nos et qualcs esse
vehmus et in quo genere vitae, quae dehberatio est
omnium difficillima. Ineunte enim adulescentia,
cum est maxima imbecilhtas consilii, tum id sibi
quisque genus aetatis degendae constituit, quod
maxime adamavit; itaque ante imphcatur ahquo
^ ti Edd. ; hii A H b ; hij c ; hi B a.
118
BOOK I. xxxii
depeiid upon chance and are, thereforej controlled
by circumstances. But what role we ourselves may Seiection of &
choose to sustain is decided by our own free choice. '^^^^^^-
And so some turn to philosophy, others to the civil
law, and still othei-s to oratory, while in case of the
virtues themselves one man prefers to excel in one,
another in another.
They, whose fathers or forefathers have achieved (D inheritance,
distinction in some particular field, often strive to
attain eminence in the same department of service :
for example, Quintus^ the son of Publius Mucius, in
the law ; Africanus, the son of Paulus, in the army.
And to that distinction which they have severally
inherited from their fathers some have added lustre
of their own ; for example, that same Africanus^ who
crowned his inherited miUtary glory with his own
eloquence. Timotheus, Conon's son^ did the same :
he proved himself not inferior to his father in railitary
renown and added to that distinction the glory of
culture and intellectual power. It happens some- (2) choice
times, too, that a man declines to follow in the
footsteps of his fathers and pursues a vocation of
his own. And in such callings those very frequently
achieve signal success who, though sprung from
humble parentage, have set their aims high.
All these questions, therefore, we ought to bear
thoughtfully in mind, when we inquire into the
nature of propriety ; but above all we must decide
who and what manner of men we wish to be and
what calUng in Ufe we would follow; and this is the
most difficult problem in the world. For it is in the
years of early youth, when our judgment is most
immature, that each of us decides that his caUing in
Ufe shaU be that to which he has taken a special
Uking. And thus he becomes engaged in some
119
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certo genere cursuque vivendi, quam potuit, quod
optimum esset, iudicare.
Nam quod^ Herculem Prodicus^ dicit, ut est
apud Xenophontemj cum primum pubesceret, quod
tempus a natura ad deligendum, quam quisque viam
vivendi sit ingressurus, datum est, exisse in solitu-
dinem atque ibi sedentem diu secum multumque
dubitasse, cum duas cerneret vias, unam Voluptatis,
alteram Virtutis, utram ingredi melius esset, hoc
Hercuh lovis satu edito" potuit fortasse contingere,
nobis non item,^ qui imitamur, quos cuique visum
est, atque ad eorum studia institutaque impelhmur ;
plerumque autem parentium praeceptis imbuti ad
eorum consuetudinem moremque deducimur ; ahi
multitudinis iudicio feruntur, quaeque maiori parti
pulcherrima videntur, ea maxime exoptant; non
nulh tamen sive fehcitate quadam sive bonitate
naturae sine* parentium disciphna rectam vitae
secuti sunt viam.
119 XXXIII. Illud autem maxime rarum genus est
eorum, qui aut excellenti^ ingenii magnitudine aut
praeclara eruditione atque doctrina aut utraque re
ornati spatium etiam dehberandi habuerunt, quem
potissimum vitae cursum sequi vehent; in qua deh-
beratione ad suam cuiusque naturam consihum est
omne revocandum. Nam cum in omnibus, quae
aguntur, ex eo, quo modo quisque natus est^ ut su-
pra dictum est, quid deceat, exquirimus, tum in tota
' Nam quod L c, Edd. ; namque A B H a b.
* Prodicus Manutius, YAi^.^prodigus L c ',prodigvm B H b.
' item Edd. ; idem MSS.
*sine Stuerenburg-, Edd. plerique ; sive MSS., Bt.^
* excellenti L c ; excellente A B H a b ; excellentis p.
120
BOOK I. xxxii-xxxiii
particular calling and career in lifej before he is fit
to decide intelligently what is best for him.
For we cannot all have the experience of Hercules^ Hercules at the
as we find it in the words of Prodicus in Xenophon : 1%^^ °^ ^^^
When Hercules was just coming into youth's
estate (the time which Nature has appointed unto
every man for choosing the path of life on which
he would enter), he went out into a desert place.
And as he saw two paths, the path of Pleasure and
the path of Virtue, he sat down and debated long
and earnestly which one it were better for him to
take." This might, perhaps^ happen to a Hercules,
scion of the seed of Jove" ; but it cannot well hap-
pen to us ; for we copy, each the model he fancies,
and we are constrained to adopt their pursuits and
vocations. But usually, we are so imbued with the
teachings of our parents, that we fall irresistibly into
their manners and customs. Others drift with (3) accident,
the current of popular opinion and make especial
choice of those calHngs which the majority find most
attractive. Some, however^ as the result either of
some happy fortune or of natural abiUty, enter upon
the right path of hfej without parental guidance.
XXXIII. There is one class of people that is very
rarely met with: it is composed of those who are
endowed with marked natural abihty^ or exceptional
advantages of education and culture, or both, and
who also have time to consider carefully what career
in life they prefer to follow ; and in this deliberation
the decision must turn wholly upon eachindividuars
natural bent. For we try to find out from each one's W naturai bias.
native disposition, as was said above, just what is
proper for him ; and this we require not only in case
of each individual act but also in ordering the whole
course of one's life ; and this last is a matter to
121
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vita constituenda multo est ei rei ^ cura maior adhi-
benda, ut constare in perpetuitate vitae possimus
nobismet ipsis nec in ullo officio claudicare.
120 Ad hanc autem rationem quoniam maximam vim
natura habet, fortuna proximam, utriusque omnino
habenda ratio est in deligendo genere vitae, sed
naturae magis; multo enim et firmior est et con-
stantior, ut fortuna non numquam tamquam ipsa
mortalis cum immortali natura pugnare videatur.
Qui igitur ad naturae suae non vitiosae genus consi-
lium vivendi omne contulerit, is constantiam teneat
(id enim maxime decet), nisi forte se intellexerit
errasse in dehgendo genere vitae. Quod si acciderit
(potest autem accidere), facienda morum instituto-
rumque mutatio est. Eam mutationem si tempora
adiuvabunt, facilius commodiusque faciemus ; sin
minus, sensim erit pedetemptimque facienda, ut
amicitias, quae minus delectent et minus probentur,
magis decere censent sapientes sensim diluere quam
121 repente praecidere. Commutato autem genere vitae
omni ratione curandum est, ut id bono consilio fe-
cisse videamur.
Sed quoniam paulo ante dictum est imitandos
esse maiores, primum illud exceptum sit, ne vitia
sint imitanda, deinde si natura non feret, ut quae-
dam imitari possit^ (ut superioris filius Africani, qui
hunc Paulo natum adoptavit, propter infirmitatem
* est ei rei Gruter, Edd. ; est eius rei L c p ; «^ rei A B H
b ; est ei a.
^possit]. M. Heusinger, Edd. ; /oss/n^ MSS.
122
BOOK I. xxxiii
which still greater care must be given^ in order
that we may be true to ourselves throughout all our
Hves and not falter in the discharge of any duty.
But since the most powerful influence in the
choice of a career is exerted by Nature, and the next
most powerful by Fortune, we must, of course, take
account of them both in deciding upon our calUng
inlife; but of the two, Nature claims the more atten-
tion. For Nature is so much more stable and
steadfast, that for Fortune to come into conflict with
Natui*e seems Uke a combat between a mortal and a
goddess. If, therefore, anyone has conformed his
Avhole plan of hfe to the kind of nature that is his
(that is, his better nature), let him go on with it
consistently — for that is the essence of Propriety —
unless, perchance, he should discover that he has
made a mistake in choosing his Hfe work, If this Chanpe of
should happen (and it can easily happen), he must ^°*^* '°°'
changehis vocation and mode of life. If circumstances
favour such change, it will be effected with greater
ease and convenience. If not, it must be made grad-
ually, step by step, just as, when friendships become
no longer pleasing or desirable, it is moi'e proper
(so wise men think) to undo the bond little by little
than to sever it at a stroke. And when we have
once changed our calling in life, we must take all
possible care to make it clear that we have done so
with good reason.
But whereas I said a moment ago that we have to
follow in the steps of our fathers, let me make the
following exceptions: first, we need not imitate
their faults ; second, we need not imitate certain
other things, if our nature does not permit such
imitation; for example, the son of the elder Africa-
nus (that Scipio who adopted the younger Africanus,
123
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valetudinis non tam potuit patris similis esse^ quam
ille fuerat sui) ; si igitur non poterit sive causas de-
fensitare sive populum contionibus tenere sive bella
gerere^ illa tamen praestare debebit^ quae erunt in
ipsius potestate, iustitiam, fidem, liberalitatem, mo-
destiamj temperantiam, quo minus ab eo id, quod
desit, requiratur. Optima autem hereditas a patri-
bus traditur liberis omnique patrimonio praestantior
gloria virtutis rerumque gestarum, cui dedecori esse
nefas [et vitiumj ^ iudicandum est.
122 XXXIV. Et quoniam officia non eadem disparibus
aetatibus tribuuntur aliaque sunt iuvenum, alia seni-
orum, aliquid etiam de hac distinctione dicendum
est.
Est igitur adulescentis maiores natu vei'eri exque
iis deligere optimos et probatissimos, quorum consilio
atque auctoritate nitatur; ineuntis enim aetatis in-
scitia senum constituenda et regenda prudentia est.
Maxime autem haec aetas a Hbidinibus arcenda est
exercendaque in labore patientiaque et animi et
corporis, ut eorum et in belHcis st in civihbus officiis
vigeat industria. Atque etiam cum relaxare animos
et dare se iucunditati volent, caveant intemperan-
tiam, meminerint verecundiae, quod erit faciUus, si
ne in eius modi quidem rebus maiores natu nolent^
interesse.
123 Senibus autem labores corporis minuendi, exerci-
' ei (sed b) vUium A B H a b ; [^^ vitiutn] Bt.^, Ed. ; et vici-
um c; et impium L p, Bt.^, Heine.
"^sl 7ie in . . . nolent Stuerenburg-, Edd. ; si in . . . nolinl
A B H a b ; « /» . . . volent L c ; ^» in . . non nolint Lam-
binus.
124
BOOK I. xxxiii-xxxiv
the son of Paulus) could not on account of ill-health
be so much like his father as Africanus had been
Hke his. If;, then, a man is unable to conduct cases
at the bar or to hold the people spell-bound with
his eloquence or to conduct wars, still it will be his
duty to practise these other virtues^ which are within
his reach — ^justice, good faith, generosity, temper-
ance, self-control — that his deficiencies in other re-
spects may be less conspicuous. The noblest heritage,
however^thatishandeddown from fathers to children,
and one more precious than any inherited wealth, is
a reputation for virtue and worthy deeds ; and to dis-
honour this must be branded as a sin and a shame.
XXXIV. Since, too, the duties that properly be-
long to difFerent times of Hfe are not the same, but
some belong to the young, others to those more
advanced in years, a word must be said on this dis-
tinction also.
It is, then, the duty of a young man to show defer- Duties of
ence to his elders and to attach himself to the best^ ^) ^°^^^'
and most approved of them, so as to receive the benefit
of their counsel and influence. For the inexperi-
ence of youth requires the practical wisdom of age
to strengthen and direct it. And this time of life
is above all to be protected against sensuahty and
trained to toil and endurance of both mind and
body, so as to be strong for active duty in miHtary
and civil service. And even when they wish to relax
their minds and give themselves up to enjoyment
they should beware of excesses and bear in mind
the rules of modesty. And this will be easier, if
the young are not unwiUing to have their elders join
them even in their pleasures.
The old, on the other hand, should, it seems, have (2) age,
their physical labours reduced ; their mental activi-
125
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tationes animi etiam augendae videntur ; danda vero
opera^ ut et amicos et iuventutem et maxime rem
publicam consilio et prudentia quam plurimum adiu-
vent. Nihil autem magis cavendum est senectuti,
quam ne languori se desidiaeque dedat ; luxuria vero
cum omni aetati turpis, tum senectuti foedissima est ;
sin autem etiam libidinum intemperantia accessit,
duplex malum est, quod et ipsa senectus dedecus
concipit et facit adulescentium impudentiorem in-
temperantiam.
1 24 Ac ne illud quidem alienum est, de magistratuum,
de privatorum, [de civiumj^ de peregrinorum officiis
dicere.
Est igitur proprium munus magistratus intellegere
se gerere personam civitatis debereque eius dignita-
tem et decus sustinere, servare leges, iura discribere,^
ea fidei suae commissa meminisse.
Privatum autem oportet aequo et pari cum civibus
iure vivere neque summissum et abiectum neque se
efFerentem,^ tum in re publica ea velle, quae tran-
quilla et honesta sint ; talem enim solemus et sentire
bonum civem et dicere.
125 Peregrini autem atque incolae officium est nihil
praeter suum negotium agere, nihil de alio anquirere
minimeque esse in aliena re publica curiosum.
Ita fere officia reperientur, cum quaeretur, quid
deceat, et quid aptum sit personis, temporibus,
^de ctvium MSS. ; \cle ctvium] Hieron., Wolff, Edd.
^ discribere Bt. , Ed., Heine; describere MSS.
^ efferentem A H' L a b c; ecferentem B H^, Ed.
126
BOOK I. xxxiv
ties should be actually increased. They should
endeavour, too, by means of their counsel and prac-
tical wisdom to be of as much service as possible to
their friends and to the young, and above all to the
state. But there is nothing against which old age
has to be more on its guard than against surrender-
ing to feebleness and idleness, while luxury, a vice
in any time of Ufe, is in old age especially scandalous.
But if excess in sensual indulgence is added to
luxurious living, it is a twofold evil; for old age not
only disgraces itself; it also serves to make the
excesses of the young more shameless.
At this point it is not at all irrelevant to discuss
the duties of magistrates, of private individuals, [of
native citizensj and of foreigners.
It iSj then, peculiarly the place of a magistrate to (3) magistrates,
bear in mind that he represents the state and that
it is his duty to uphold its honour and its dignity, to
enforce the law, to dispense to all their constitutional
rights, and to remember that all this has been com-
mitted to him as a sacred trust.
The private individual ought first, in private rela- (4) private
tions, to live on fair and equal terms with his fellow-
citizens, with a spirit neither servile and grovelling
nor yet domineering; and second, in matters per-
taining to the state, to labour for her peace and
honour; for such a man we are accustomed to
esteem and call a good citizen.
As for the foreigner or the resident alien, it is his (5) aiiens,
duty to attend strictly to his own concerns, not to pry
into other people's business, and under no condition
to meddle in the politics of a country not his own.
In this way I think we shall have a fairly clear puty and
view of our duties when the question arises what is Prop"ety
proper and what is appropriate to each character,
127
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aetatibus, Nihil est autem, quod tam deceat, quam
in omni re gerenda consilioque capiendo servare
constantiam.
126 XXXV. Sed quoniam decorum illud in omnibus
factis, dictis, in corporis denique motu et statu cer-
nitur idque positum est in tribus rebus, formositate,
ordine, ornatu ad actionem apto, difficilibus ad elo-
quendumj sed satis erit intellegi, in his autem tribus
continetur cura etiam illa^ ut probemur iis, quibus-
cum apud quosque vivamus, his quoque de rebus
pauca dicantur.
Principio corporis nostri magnam natura ipsa
videtur habuisse rationem, quae formam nostram
reliquamque figuramj in qua esset species honesta,
eam posuit in promptu, quae partes autem corporis
ad naturae necessitatem datae aspectum essent defor-
mem habiturae atque foedum/ eas contexit atque
127 abdidit. Hanc naturae tam dihgentem fabricam
imitata est hominum verecundia. Quae enim natura
occultavit, eadem omnes, qui sana mente sunt, re-
movent ab ocuHs ipsique necessitati dant operam ut
quam occultissime pareant ; quarumque partium cor-
poris usus sunt necessarii, eas neque partes neque
earum usus suis nominibus appellant; quodqiie
facere turpe non est,* modo occulte, id dicere obsc( -
num est. Itaque nec actio rerum illarum aperta
petulantia vacat nec orationis obscenitas.
^foedum Klotz, MuUer, Heine •,formam A B H a b ; turpem
L c, Bt.
'Hurpe non est a, Edd. ; non turpe est L ; non turpe (om. est)
c ; turpe non turpe ^5^ A B H b (the first turpe crossed out
in A B).
128
BOOK I. xxxiv-xxxv
circumstance, and age. But there is nothing so
essentially proper as to maintain consistency in the
performance of every act and in the conception of
every plan.
XXXV. But the propriety to which I refer shows Propnety in
itself also in every deed, in every word, even in every ° ' ^' ^*^''""'
movement and attitude of the body, And in out-
ward, visible propriety there are three elements —
beauty, tact, and taste ; these conceptions are difficult
to express in words, but it will be enough for my
purpose if they are understood. In these three
elements is included also our concern for the good
opinion of those with whom and amongst whom we
live. For these reasons I should Hke to say a few
words about this kind of propriety also.
First of all, Nature seems to have had a wonderful
plan in the construction of our bodies. Our face and
our figure generally, in so far as it has a comely
appearance, she has placed in sight; but the parts
of the body that are given us only to serve the
needs of nature and that would present an unsightly
and unpleasant appearance she has covered up and
concealed from view. Man's modesty has followed Modesty
this careful contrivance of Nature's ; all right-minded
people keep out of sight what Nature has hidden
and take pains to respond to nature's demands as
privately as possible ; and in the case of those parts
of the body which only serve nature's needs, neither
the parts nor the functions are called by their real
names. To perform these functions — if only it be
done in private — is nothing immoral ; but to speak
of them is indecent. And so neither pubHc per-
formance of those acts nor vulgar mention of them
is free from indecency,
K 129
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128 Nec vero audiendi sunt Cynicij aut si qui fuerunt
Stoici paene Cynici^ qui reprehendunt et irrident,
quod ea^ quae turpia^ non sint, verbis flagitiosa duca-
mus, illa autem, quae turpia^ sint, nominibus appel-
lemus suis. Latrocinai*i, fraudare, adulterare re^
turpe est, sed dicitur non obscene ; liberis dare ope-
ram re honestum est, nomine obscenum; pluraque
in eam sententiam ab eisdem contra verecundiam
disputantur. Nos autem naturam sequamur et ab
omni, quod abhorret ab oculorum auriumque appro-
batione, fugiamus; status incessus, sessio accubitio,
vultus oculi manuum motus teneat illud decorum.
129 Quibus in rebus duo maxime sunt fugienda, ne
quid effeminatum aut molle et ne quid durum aui
rusticum sit. Nec vero histrionibus oratoribusque
concedendum est, ut iis haec apta sint, nobis disso-
luta. Scaenicorum quidem mos tantam habet vetere
disciplina verecundiam, ut in scaenam sine subliga-
culo prodeat nemo; verentur enim, ne, si quo casu
evenerit, ut corporis partes quaedam aperiantur,
aspiciantur non decori. Nostro quidem more cum
parentibus puberes fihi, cum soceris generi non
lavantur. Retinenda igitur est huius generis vere-
cundia, praesertim natura ipsa magistra et duce.
130 XXXVI. Cum autem pulchritudinis duo genera
sint, quorum in altero venustas sit, in altero dignitas,
^quae turpia B b, Edd. ; quae re turpia^ L c ; quae . . . autem
om. H.
^quae turpia B H b, Edd. ; quae re turpia L c
V<? B H, Edd.; not in A Lb c p.
130
BOOK I. xxxv-xxxvi
But we should give no heed to the Cynics (or to
some Stoies who are practieally Cynics) who censure
and ridicule us for holding that the mere mention of
some actions that are not immoral is shameful, while
other things that are immoral we call by their real
names. Robbery, fraud, and adultery, for example,
are immoral in deed, but it is not indecent to name
them. To beget children in wedlock is in deed
morally right; to speak of it is indecent. And they
assail modesty with a great many other arguments
to the same purport. But as for us, let us follow
nature and shun everything that is ofFensive to our
eyes or our ears. So, in standing or walking, in
sitting or reclining, in our expression, our eyes, or
the movements of our hands, let us preserve what
we have called propriety."
In these matters we must avoid especially the two
extremes: our conduct and speech should not be
effeminate and over-nice, on the one handj nor coarse
and boorish, on the other. And we surely must not
admit that while this rule appHes to actors and ora-
tors, it is not binding upon us. As for stage-people,
their custom, because of its traditional disciphne,
carries modesty to such a point that an actor would
never step out upon the stage without a bi-eech-cloth
on, for fear he might make an improper exhibition,
if by some accident cei*tain parts of his person should
happen to become exposed. And in our own custom,
grown sons do not bathe with their fathers, nor
sons-in-law with their fathers-in-law. We must,
therefore, keep to the path of this sort of modesty,
especially when Nature is our teacher and guide.
XXXVI. Again, there are two orders of beauty : m°^"outward
in the one, loveliness predominates ; in the other, appearance;
k2 131
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venustatem muliebrem ducere debemus^ dignitatem
virilem. Ergo et a forma removeatur omnis viro non
dignus ornatus, et huic simile vitium in gestu motu-
que caveatur. Nam et palaestrici motus sunt saepe
odiosiores, et histrionum non nulH gestus ineptiis
non vacant,^ et in utroque genere quae sunt recta et
simphcia, laudantur. Formae autem dignitas coloris
bonitate tuenda est, color exercitationibus corporis.
Adhibenda praeterea munditia est non odiosa neque
exquisita nimis, tantum quae fugiat agrestem et in-
humanam neglegentiam. Eadem ratio est habenda
vestitus, in quo, sicut in plerisque rebus, mediocritas
optima est.
131 Cavendum autem est, ne aut tarditatibus utamur
in^ ingressu molHoribuSj ut pomparum fercuHs similes
esse videamur, aut in festinationibus suscipiamus
nimias celeritates, quae cum fiunt, anlielitus moven-
tur, vultus mutanturj ora torquentur; ex quibus
magna significatio fit non adesse constantiam. Sed
multo etiam magis elaborandum est, ne animi motus
a natura recedant; quod assequemur, si cavebimus,
ne in perturbationes atque exanimationes incidamus,
et si attentos animos ad decoris conservationem
tenebimus.
132 Motus autem animorum dupHces sunt, alteri cogi-
' ineptiis non vacant A B H a b ; inepti non vacant o^en-
sione L c p.
'Hn Edd.; not in MSS.
132
BOOK I. xxxvi
dignity ; of these, we ouglit to regard loveliness as
the attribute of woman^ and dignity as the attribute
of man. Therefore^ let all finery not suitable to a
man's dignity be kept ofF his person, and let him
guard against the Hke fault in gesture and action.
The manners taught in the palaestra/ for example,
are often rather objectionable, and the gestures of
actors on the stage are not always free from aflPec-
tation ; but simple, unaffected manners are commend-
able in both instances. Now dignity of mien is also
to be enhanced by a good complexion; the complexion
is the result of physical exercise. We must besides
present an appearance of neatness — not too punctil-
ious or exquisite, but just enough to avoid boorish
and ill-bred slovenhness. We must follow the same
principle in regard to dress. In this, as in most
things, the best rule is the golden mean.
We must be careful, too, not to fall into a habit of
hstless sauntering in our gait, so as to look hke car-
riers in festal processions, or of hurrying too fast,
when time presses. If we do this, it puts us out of
breath, our looks are changed, our features distorted ;
and all this is clear evidence of a lack of poise. But (2) in inward
it is much more important that we succeed in keep- seif-controi.
ing our mental operations in harmony with nature's
laws. And we shall not fail in this if we guard
against violent excitement or depression, and if we
keep our minds intent on the observance of pro-
priety.
Our mental operations, moreover, are of two
^The Greek palaestra, a public school of wrestling and
athletics, adopted by the Romans became a place of exer-
cise where the youth were trained in gestures and attitudes
a nursery of foppish manners.
133
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tationis^ alteri appetitus ; cogitatio in vero exquirendo
maxime versatur, appetitus impellit ad agendum.
Curandum est igitur, ut cogitatione ad res quam
optimas utamur, appetitum rationi oboedientem
praebeamus.
XXXVII. Et quoniam magna vis orationis est,
eaque duplex, altera contentionis, altera sermonis,
contentio disceptationibus tribuatur iudiciorum, con-
tionum, senatus, sermo in circulis, disputationibus,
congressionibus familiarium versetur, sequatur etiam
convivia. Contentionis praecepta rhetorum sunt,
nuUa sermonis, quamquam haud scio an possint haec
quoque esse. Sed discentium studiis inveniuntur
magistri, huic autem qui studeant, sunt nulli, rheto-
rum turba referta omnia ; quamquam, quae ^ verborum
sententiarumque praecepta sunt, eadem ad sennonem
pertinebunt.
133 Sed cum orationis indicem vocem habeamus, in
voce autem duo sequamur, ut clara sit, ut suavis,
utrumque omnino a natura petundum est, verum
alterum exercitatio augebit, alterum imitatio presse
loquentium et leniter.
Nihil fuit in Catulis, ut eos exquisito iudicio pu-
tares uti litterarum, quamquam erant litterati ; sed
et alii ; hi autem optime uti lingua Latina putaban-
quae A^ c, Edd. ifuoniam (per compend.) A' B H a b,
134
BOOK I. xxxvi-xxxvii
kinds: some have to do with thought, others with
impulse. Thought is occupied chiefly with the dis-
covery of truth; impulse prompts to action. We
must be careful, therefore, to employ our thoughts
on themes as elevating as possible and to keep our
impulses under the control of reason.
I. XXVII. The power of speech in the attainment Propriety in
of pi*opriety is great, and its function is twofold : tlie Ind^conver-*""^^
first is oratory ; the second, conversation. Oratory sation.
is the kind of discourse to be employed in pleadings in
court and speeches in popular assembHes and in the
senate ; conversation should find its natural place in
social gatherings, in informal discussions, and in inter- i
course with friends ; it should also seek admission at
dinners. There are rules for oratory laid down by
rhetoricians ; there are none for conversation ; and
yet I do not know why there should not be. But
where there are students to learn, teachers are
found; there are^ however^ none who make conver-
sation a subject of study, whereas pupils throng
about the rhetoricians everywhere. And yet the
same rules that we have for words and sentences in
rhetoric will apply also to conversation.
Now since we have the voice as the organ of
speech, we should aim to secure two properties
for it: that it be clear, and that it be musical.
We must, of course, look to nature for both gifts.
But distinctness may be improved by practice ; the
musical qualities, by imitating those who speak
with smooth and articulate enunciation.
There was nothing in the two Catuli to lead one
to suppose that they had a refined literary taste;
tliey were men of culture, it is true ; and so were
others ; but the Catuli were looked upon as the perfect
13.5
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tur; sonus erat dulcis^ litterae neque expressae
neque oppressae, iie aut obscurum esset aut putidum,
sine contentione vox nec languens nec canora.
Uberior oratio L. Crassi nec minus facetaj sed bene
loquendi de Catulis opinio non minor. Sale vero et
facetiis Caesar, Catuli patris frater, vicit omnes, ut in
illo ipso forensi genere dicendi contentiones aliorum
sermone vinceret.
In omnibus igitur his elaborandum est, si in omni
re quid deceat exquirimus.
134 Sit ergo hic sermo, in quo Socratici maxime excel-
lunt, lenis minimeque pertinax, insit in eo lepos;
nec vero, tamquam in possessionem suam venerit,
excludat ahos, sed cum reliquis in rebus, tum in
sermone communi vicissitudinem non iniquam putet ;
ac videat in primis, quibus de rebus loquatur; si
seriis, severitatem adhibeat, si iocosis, leporem ; in
primisque provideat, ne sermo vitium aliquod indicet
inesse in moribus ; quod maxime tum solet evenire,
cum studiose de absentibus detrahendi causa aut per
ridiculum aiit severe maledice contumehoseque di-
citur.
135 Habentur autem plerumque sermones aut de
domesticis negotiis aut de re publica aut de artium
136
BOOK I. xxxvii
masters of the Latin tongue. Their pronunciation
was charming; their words were neither mouthed
nor mumbled : they avoided both indistinctness and
aiFectation; their voices were free from strain, yet
neither faint nor shrill. More copious was the speech
of Lucius Crassus and not less brilliant^ but the re-
putation of the two CatuH for eloquence was fully
equal to his. But in wit and humour Caesar, the
elder Catulus's half-brother^ surpassed them all:
even at the bar he would with his conversational
style defeat other advocates with their elaborate
orations.
If, therefore, we are aiming to secure propriety in
every circumstance of hfe, we must master all these
points.
Conversation, then, in which the Socratics are the Conversation
best models, should have these qualities. It should
be easy and not in the least dogmatic ; it should have
the spice of wit. And the one who engages in con-
versation should not debar others from participating
in it, as if he were entering upon a private monopoly ;
but, as in other things, so in a general conver-
sation he should think it not unfair for each to have
his turn. He should observe, first and foremost,
what the subject of conversation is. If it is grave,
he should treat it with seriousness; if humorous,
with wit. And above all, he should be on the watch
that liis conversation shall not betray some defect in
his character. This is most Hkely to occur, when
people in jest or in earnest take dehght in making
mahcious and slanderous statements about the ab-
sent, on purpose to injure their reputations.
The subjects of conversation are usually affairs of
the home or peUtics or the practice of the professions
137
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
studiis atque doctrina, Danda igitur opera est, ut,
etiamsi aberrare ad alia coeperit, ad haec revocetur
oratio, sed utcumque aderunt; neque enim isdem^
de rebus nec omni tempore nec similiter delecta-
mur. Animadvertendum est etiam, quatenus sermo
delectationem habeat, et, ut incipiendi ratio fuerit, ita
sit desinendi modus.
136 XXXVIII. Sed quo modo in omni vita rectissime
praecipitur, ut perturbationes fugiamus, id est motus
animi nimios rationi non optemperantes, sic eius
modi motibus sermo debet vacare, ne aut ira exsistat
aut cupiditas aliqua aut pigritia aut ignavia aut tale
aliquid appareat, maximeque curandum est, ut eos,
quibuscum sermonem conferemus, et vereri et dili-
gere videamur.
Obiurgationes etiam non numquam incidunt ne-
cessariae, in quibus utendum est fortasse et vocis
contentione maiore et verborum gravitate acriore, id
agendum etiam, ut ea facere videamur irati. Sed, ut
ad urendum et secandum, sic ad hoc genus castigandi
raro invitique veniemus nec umquam nisi necessario,
si nulla reperietur alia medicina ; sed tamen ira procul
absit, cum qua nihil recte fieri, nihil considerate potest.
137 Magnam autem partem^ clementi castigatione licet
uti, gravitate tamen adiuncta, ut severitas adhibea-
tur et contumelia repellatur, atque etiam illud ipsum,
quod acerbitatis habet obiurgatio, significandum est,
ipsius id causa, qui obiurgetur, esse susceptum.
' enim isdem (hisdem B H) A B H b, Miiller ; enim omnes
isdem L c, most Edd.
^magnam autem partem Lambinus, Edd.; magna autem
parte MSS.
138
BOOK T. xxxvii-xxxviii
and learning. Accordingly, if the talk begins to
drift ofF to other channels, pains should be taken to
bring it back again to the matter in hand — but with
due consideration to the company present; for we
are not all interested in the same things at all times
or in the same degree. We must observe, too, how
far the conversation is agreeable and, as it had a
reason for its beginning, so there should be a point
at which to close it tactfully.
XXXVIII. But as we have a most excellent rule Propriety
for every phase of life^ to avoid exhibitions of passion, ° ^^^^*^
that iSj mental excitement that is excessive and un-
controlled by reason ; so our conversation ought to
be free from such emotions : let there be no exhibition
of anger or inordinate desire, of indolence or indiffe-
rence, or anything of the kind. We must also take
the greatest care to show courtesy and consideration
toward those with whom we converse.
It may sometimes happen that there is need of fiHnreproofs,
administering reproof. On such occasions we should,
perhapsj use a more emphatic tone of voice and
more forcible and severe terms and even assume an
appearance of being angry. But we shall have re-
course to this sort of reproof, as we do to cautery
and amputation, rarely and reluctantly — never at all,
unless it is unavoidable and no other remedy can be
discovered. We may seem angry, but anger should
be far from us; for in anger nothing right or judi-
cious can be done. In most cases, we may apply a
mild reproof, so combined, however, with earnest-
ness, that while severity is shown^ offensive language
is avoided. Nay more, we must show clearly that
even that very harshness which goes with our re-
proof is designed for the good of the person reproved.
139
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Rectum est autem etiam in illis eontentionibus,
quae cum inimicissimis fiunt, etiamsi nobis indigna
audiamusj tamen gravitatem retinere, iracundiam
pellere. Quae enim cum aliqua perturbatione fiunt,
ea nec constanter fieri possunt neque iis, qui adsunt,
probari.
Deforme etiam est de se ipsum praedicare falsa
praesertim et cum irrisione audientium imitari mili-
tem gloriosum.
138 XXXIX. Et quoniam omnia persequimur, volu-
mus quidem certe, dicendum est etiam, qualem
hominis honorati et principis domum placeat esse,
cuius finis est usus/ ad quem accommodanda est
aedificandi descriptio et tamen adhibenda commo-
ditatis dignitatisque diligentia.
Cn. Octavio, qui primus ex illa familia consul
factus est, honori fuisse accepimus, quod praeclaram
aedificasset in Palatio et plenam dignitatis domum ;
quae cum vulgo viseretur, sufFragata domino, novo
homini, ad consulatum putabatur ; hanc Scaurus
demolitus accessionem adiunxit aedibus. Itaque
ille in suam domum consulatum primus attulit, hic,
• summi et clarissimi viri fiUus, in domum multipli-
catam non repulsam solum rettuHt, sed ignominianj
139 etiam et^ calamitatem. Ornanda enim est dignitas
domo, non ex domo tota quaerenda, nec domo
dominus, sed domino domus honestanda est, et, ut
' est usus L c, Edd. ; et usus B H a b.
• ^^ L c, Edd. ; not in B H b.
140
BOOK I. xxxviii-xxxix
The right course, moreover, even in our difFerences (2) in disputes,
with our bitterest enemies, is to maintain our dig-
nity and to repress our anger, even though we are
treated outrageously. For what is done under some
degree of excitement cannot be done with perfect
self-respect or the approval of those who witness it.
It is bad taste also to talk about oneself — especi- praise!^
ally if what one says is not true— and, amid the
derision of one's hearers^ to play The Braggart
Captain." ^
XXXIX. But since 1 am investigating this subject J^^P''"^*''
in all its phases (at least, that is my purpose), I
must discuss also what sort of house a man of rank
and station should, in my opinion, have. Its prime
object is serviceableness. To this the plan of the
building should be adapted ; and yet careful atten-
tion should be paid to its convenience and distinction.
We have heard that Gnaeus Octavius — the first
of that family to be elected consul — distinguished
himself by building upon the Palatine an attractive
and imposing house. Everybody went to see it,
and it was thought to have gained votes for the
owner, a new man^ in his canvass for the consulship.
That house Scaurus demoHshed, and on its site he
built an addition to his own house. Octavius^ then,
was the first of his family to bring the honour of a
consulship to his house ; Scaurus, though the son of
a very great and illustrious man, brought to the
same house, when enlarged, not only defeat, but dis-
grace and ruin. The truth is, a man's dignity may be
enhanced by the house he hves in, but not wholly
secured by it ; the owner should bring honour to his
^ Like Pyrgopolinices in the Miles Gloriosus of Plautus,
or Thraso in the Eunuchus of Terence.
141
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in ceteris habenda ratio non sua solurn, sed etiam
aliorum, sic in domo clari hominis, in quam et
hospites multi recipiendi et admittenda hominum
cuiusque modi multitudo, adhibenda cura est laxi-
tatis; ahter ampla domus dedecori saepe domino
fit, si est in ea solitudo, et maxime, si aliquando
alio domino soHta est frequentari. Odiosum est
enim, cum a praetereuntibus dicitur :
o domus antiqua^ heu^ quam dispari
dominare dominol
quod quidem his temporibus in multis licet dicere.
140 Cavendum autem est, praesertim si ipse aedifices,
ne extra modum sumptu et magnificentia prodeas;
quo in genere multum mali etiam in exemplo est.
Studiose enim plerique praesertim in hanc partem
facta principum imitantur, ut L. Luculli, summi viri,
virtutem quis? at quam multi villarum magnificen-
tiam imitati ! quarum quidem certe est adhibendus
modus ad mediocritatemque ^ revocandus. Eademque
mediocritas ad omnem usum cultumque vitae trans-
ferenda est.
Sed haec hactenus.
^fit Bt, Ed.; «V B H a b ; est L (corr. ex sit b), Muller,
Heine; not in c.
« heu Edd. ; et MSS. ; ei Schenkl.
^* mediocritatemque : que italicized by Ed. but attested by
B H L b c.
142
BOOK I. xxxix
house^ not the house to its owner. And, as in
everything else a man must have regard not for
himself alone but for others also, so in the home of
a distinguished man^ in which numerous guests must
be entertained and crowds of every sort of people
received, care must be taken to have it spacious.
But if it is not frequented by visitors, if it has an
air of lonesomeness^ a spacious palace often becomes
a discredit to its owner. This is sure to be the
case if at some other time, when it had a different
owner, it used to be thronged. For it is unpleasant,
when passers-by remark :
O good old house, alas ! how different
The owner who now owneth thee ! "
And in these times that may be said of many a
house ! ^
One must be careful, too, not to go beyond
proper bounds in expense and display, especially
if one is building for oneself. For much mischief
is done in this way, if only in the example set.
For many people imitate zealously the foibles of
the great, particularly in this direction : for example,
who copies the virtues of Lucius Lucullus, excel-
lent man that he was ? But how many there are who
have copied the magnificence of his villas ! Some
Hmit should surely be set to this tendency and it
should be reduccd at least to a standard of modera-
tion; and by that same standard of moderation the
comforts and wants of life generally should be regu-
lated.
But enough on this part of my theme.
' Members of Caesar's party were now occupylng' the
houses that had been the homes of Pompey's friends,
Antony, for example, lived in Pompey's house.
143
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141 In omni autem actione suscipienda tria sunt
tenenda, primum ut appetitus rationi pareat, quo
nihil est ad officia conservanda accommodatius,
deinde ut animadvertatur, quanta illa res sit, quam
efficere velimus, ut neve maior neve minor cura et
opera suscipiatur, quam causa postulet. Tertium
est, ut caveamus, ut ea, quae pertinent ad liberalem
speciem et dignitatem,^ moderata^ sint. Modus
autem est optimus decus ipsum tenere, de quo ante
diximus, nec progredi longius. Horum tamen trium
praestantissimum est appetitum optemperare rationi.
142 XL. Deinceps de ordine rerum et de opportunitate
temporum dicendum est. Haec autem scientia con-
tinentur ea, quam Graeci evra^tav nominant, non
hanc, quam interpretamur modestiam, quo in verbo
modus inest, sed illa est ^vra^ia, in qua intellegitur
ordinis conservatio. Itaque, ut eandem nos mode-
stiam appellemus, sic definitur a Stoicis, ut modestia
sit scientia rerum earum, quae agentur aut dicentur,
loco suo collocandarum. Ita videtur eadem vis
ordinis et coUocationis fore; nam et ordinem sic
definiunt: compositionem rerum aptis et accommo-
datis locis; locum autem actionis opportunitatem'
temporis esse dicunt; tempus autem actionis oppor-
tunum* Graece fVKaLpla, Latine appellatur occasio.
Sic fit, ut modestia haec, quam ita interpretamur, ut
' ad liberalem speciem et dignitatem B H b, Edd. ; ad
liberalitatem specie et dignitate L c p.
^moderata L c p, Edd.; moderanda B H a b.
^oportunitate{m) Ed. *oportunum Ed»
144
BOOK I. xxxix-xl
In entering upon any course of action^ then^ Three ruies for
we must hold fast to three principles : first, that proprkt^y°
impulse shall obey reason; for there is no better
way than this to secure the observance of duties;
second, that we estimate carefully the importance
of the object that we wish to accomplish, so that
neither more nor less care and attention may be
expended upon it than the case requires; the tliird
principle is that we be careful to observe moderation
in all that is essential to the outward appearance
and dignity of a gentleman. Moreover, the best
rule for securing this is strictly to observe that
propriety which we have discussed above, and not
to overstep it. Yet of these three principles, the
one of prime importance is to keep impulse sub-
servient to reason.
XL. Next, then, we must discuss orderliness of Orderiiness—
conduct and seasonableness of occasions. These two a^^the^^* '^'°^
quahties are embraced in that science which the "ght time.
Greeks call exra^ia — not that evTa^ui which we
translate with moderation [inodesLia], derived from
moderate; but this is the ivra^ia by which we under-
stand orderly conduct. And so, if we may call it
also moderation, it is defined by the Stoics as follows :
Moderation is the science of disposing aright
everything that is done or said." So the essence
of orderhness and of right-placing, it seems, will be
the same ; for orderliness they define also as the
arrangement of things in their suitable and appro-
priate places." By place of action," moreover,
they mean seasonahleness of circumstance ; and the
seasonable circumstance for an action is called in
Greek evKaipia, in Latin occasio (occasion). So it
comes about that in this sense moderation, which we
t 145
• CICERO DE OFFICIIS
dixi, scientia sit opportunitatis* idoneorum ad agen-
dum temporum.
143 Sed potest eadem esse prudentiae definitio, de
Ch. vi qua principio diximus ; lioc autem loco de modera-
tione et temperantia et harum similibus virtutibus
quaerimus. Itaque, quae erant prudentiae propria,
suo loco dicta sunt ; quae autem harum virtutum, de
quibus iam diu loquimur, quae pertinent ad vere-
cundiam et ad eorum approbationem, quibuscum
vivimus, nunc dicenda sunt.
144 Talis est igitur ordo actionum adhibendus, ut,
quem ad modum in oratione constanti, sic in vita
omnia sint apta inter se et convenientia ; turpe
enim valdeque vitiosum in re severa convivio digna^
aut delicatum aliquem inferre sermonem. Bene
Pericles, cum haberet collegam in praetura Soplio-
clem' poetam iique de communi officio convenissent
et casu formosus puer praeteriret dixissetque
Sophocles: O puerum pulchrum, Pericle!" "A1
enim praetorem, Sophocle, decet non solum manus,
ved etiam oculos abstinentes habere." Atqui^ lioc
idem Sophocles si in athletarum probatione dixisset,
iusta reprehensione caruisset, Tanta vis est et loci
et temporis. Ut, si qui, cum causam sit acturus, in
itinere aut in ambulatione secum ipse meditetur, aut
si quid aliud attentius cogitet, non repreliendatur, at
' oportnnitatis Ed.
* convivio digna B H a b, Edtl. ; convivio dignum c ; convu
vii dicta L p.
^ Atqui Miiller, Heine; atque MSS., Bt.
146
BOOK I. xl
explain as I have indicated, is the science of doing
tlie right thing at the right time.
A similar definition can be given for prudence, of
which I have spoken in an early chapter. But in
this part we are considering temperance and self-
control and related virtues. Accordingly, the
properties which, as we found, are peculiar to pru-
dence, were discussed in their proper place, while
those are to be discussed now which are peculiar to
these virtues of which we have for some time been
speaking and which relate to considerateness and to
the approbation of our fellow-men.
Such orderHness of conduct is, therefore, to be ob-
served, that everything in the conduct of our Hfe
shaH balance and harmonize, as in a finished speech. seasonabiene»
For it is unbecoming and highly censurable, when °^ spcech.
upon a serious theme, to introduce such jests as are
proper at a dinner, or any sort of loose talk. When
Pericles was associated with the poet Sophocles as
his coHeague in command and they had met to
confer about ofiicial business tliat concerned tliem
both, a handsome boy chanced to pass and Sophocles
said: Look, Pericles; what a pretty boy!" How
pertinent was Pericles's reply : " Hush, Sophocles,
a general should keep not only his liands but his
eyes under control." And yet, if Sophocles had
made tliis same remark at a trial of athletes, he
would have incurred no just reprimand. So great
is the significance of botli place and circumstance.
For example, if anyone, while on a journey or on a
vvalk, should rehearse to liimself a case which he is
preparing to conduct in court, or if he should under
similar circumstances apply his closcst thought to
some other subject, he would not be open to censure :
h2 J47
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hoc idem si in convivio faciat, inhumanus videatur
inscitia temporis.
145 Sed ea, quae multum ab humanitate discrepant, ut
si qui in foro cantet, aut si qua est alia magna per-
versitas, facile apparet nec magnopere admonitionem
et praecepta desiderat; quac auteni parva videntur
esse delicta neque a multis intellegi possunt, ab iis'
est diligentius declinandum. Ut in fidibus aut ti-
biis, quamvis paulum discrepent, tamen id a sciente
animadverti solet, sic videndum^ est in vita ne forte
quid discrepet, vel multo etiam magis, quo maior et
melior actionum quam sonorum concentus est.
146 XLI. Itaque,utinfidibusmusicorumauresvelmini-
ma sentiunt, sic nos, si acres ac diligentes esse volumus
animadversores[que] ■* vitiorum, magna saepe intelle-
gemus ex parvis. Ex oculoi'um optutu, superciliorum
aut remissione aut contractione, ex maestitia, ex
hilaritate, ex risu, ex locutione, ex reticentia, ex
contentione vocis, ex summissione, ex ceteris simili-
bus facile iudicabimus, quid eorum apte fiat, quid ab
officio naturaque discrepet. Quo in genere non est
incommodum, quale quidque eorum sit, ex aliis iudi-
care, ut, si quid dedeceat in illis,* vitemus ipsi ; fit
enim nescio quo modo, ut magis in aliis cernamus
quam in nobismet ipsis, si quid delinquitur. Itaque
facillime corriguntur in discendo, quorum vitia imi-
tantur emendandi causa magistri.
'mEdd.;AwMSS.
• videndum L c, Edd. ; vivendutn B H a b.
^ animadversores [que\ Ed.; animadversoresque MSS. ;
* animadversoresque Bt.; animadversores Orelli, Miiller,
Heine.
* dedeceat a c, Edd ; deceat H L b; non deceat B. in illis
a Bt.', Ed.; in illos B H b c; illos L, Bt.«
148
BOOK t. xl-xli
but if he should do that same tlvng at a dinner,
he would be tliought ill-bred, because he ignored
the proprieties of the occasion.
But flagrant breaches of good breeding, like sing- Theiittie
ing in the streets or any other gross misconduct, are colllu.
easily apparent and do not call especially for ad-
monition and instruction. But we must even more
carefully avoid those seemingly trivial faults wliich
pass unnoticed by the many. However shghtly out
of tune a harp or flute may be, the fault is still
detected by a connoisseur; so we must be on the
watch lest haply something in our life be out of
tune — nay, rather, far greater is the need for pains-
taking, inasmucli as harmony of actions is far better
and far more important tlian harmony of sounds.
XLI. As, therefore, a musical ear detects even the we correct om
shghtest falsity of tone in a harp, so we, if we wish (i^by observiV
to be keen and careful observers of moral faults, shall others,
often draw important conclusions from trifles. We
observe othcrs and from a glance of the eyes, from
a contracting or relaxing of the brows, from an air
of sadness, from an outburst of joy, from a laugh,
from speech, from silence, from a raising or lowering
of the voice, and the hke, we shall easily judge which
of our actions is proper, and which is out of accord
with duty and nature. And, in the same manner, it
is not a bad plan to judge of the nature of our every
action by studying others, that so we may ourselves
avoid anything that is unbecoming in them. For it
happens somehow or other that we detect another's
failings more readily than we do our own; and so
in the school-room tliose pupils learn most easily
to do better wliose faults the masters mimic for the
sake of correcting them.
149
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
1 47 Nec vero alienum est ad ea eligenda, quae dubita-
tionem afferunt, adhibere doctos homines vel etiam
usu peritos et, quid iis de quoque officii genere pla-
ceat, exquirere. Maior enim pars eo fere defcrri
solet, quo a natura ipsa deducitur. In quibus viden-
dum est, non modo quid quisque loquatur, sed
etiam quid quisque sentiat atque etiam de qua
causa quisque sentiat. Ut enim pictores et ii,
qui si;?na fabricantur, et vero etiam poetae suum
quisque opus a vulgo considerarivult,ut,si quid repre-
hensum sit a pluribus, id corrigatur, iique et secum
et ab ahis,^ quid in eo peccatum sit, exquirunt, sic
aliorum iudicio permulta nobis et facienda et non
facienda et mutanda et corrigenda sunt.
1 48 Quae vero more agentur institutisque civilibus, de
iis nihil est praecipiendum; illa enim ipsa praecepta
sunt, nec quemquam hoc errore duci oportet, ut, si
quid Socrates aut Aristippus contra morem consue-
tudinemque civilem fecerint locutive sint, idera sibi
arbitretur licere; magnis illi et divinis bonis hanc
licentiam assequebantur. Cynicorum vero ratio tota
est eicienda ; est enim inimica verecundiae, sine qua
nihil rectum esse potest, nihil honestum.
1 49 Eos autem, quorum vita perspecta in rebus honestis
atque magnis est, bene de re publica sentientes ac
bene raeritos aut merentes sic ut^ ahquo honore aut
' et ab aliis a, Bt., Ed.; aliis B H b; et cum aliis c; et ex
aliis Unger, Muller.
^sic ut L p, Nonius ; not in B H b c.
150
BOOK I xli
Nor is it out of place in naaking a clioice between (2) by the criti
duties involving a doubt, to consult men of learning ^i^! °
or practical wisdom and to ascertain what their views
are on any particular question of duty. For the
majority usually drift as the current of their own
natural inchnations carries them; and in deriving
counsel from one of these, we have to see not only
what our adviser says, but also what he thinks, and
what his reasons are for thinking as he does. For,
as painters and sculptors and even poets, too, wish
to have their works reviewed by the pubhc, in order
thatj if any point is generally criticized, it may be
improved ; and as they try to discover both by them-
selves and witli the help of otliers what is wrong in
their work ; so through consulting the judgment of
others we find that there are many things to be done
and left undone, to be altered and improved.
But no rules need to be given about what is done The laws oi
in accordance with the established customs and con- Jufes'of duty.
ventions of a community; for these are in themselves
rules; and no one ought to make the mistake of
supposing that, because Socrates or Aristippus did
or said something contrary to the manners and estab-
Ushed customs of their city, he has a right to do the
same ; it was only by reason of their great and super-
human virtues that those famous men acquired this
special privilege. But the Cynics' whole system of
philosophy must be rejected, for it is inimical to moral
sensibihty, and without moral sensibility nothing
can be upright, nothing morally good.
It is, furthermore, our duty to honour and rever- Special rules*
ence those whose hves are conspicuous for conduct
in keeping with their high moral standards, and who,
«« true patriots, have rendered or are now renderinp'
15/
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imperio afFectos observare et colere debemus, tribu-
ere etiam multum senectuti, cedere iis, qui magistra-
tum habebuut, habere dilectum civis et peregrini in
ipsoque peregrino, privatimne an pubHce venerit.
Ad summam, ne agam de singuHs, communem totius
generis hominum concihationem et consociationem
colere, tueri, servare debemus.
150 XLII. lam de artificiis et quaestibus, qui Uberales
habendi, qui sordidi sint, haec fere accepimus.
Primum improbantur ii quaestus, qui in odia
hominum incuri*unt, ut portitorum, ut faeneratorum.
Illiberales autem et sordidi quaestus mercennari-
orum omnium, quorum operae, non quorum artes
emuntur ; est enim in ilhs ipsa merces auctora-
mentum servitutis. Sordidi etiam putandi, qui
mercantur a mercatoribus, quod statim vendant ;
nihil enim proficiant, nisi admodum mentiantur ;
nec vero est quicquam turpius vanitate. Opificesque
omnes in sordida arte versantur ; nec enim quic-
quam ingenuum habere potest officina. Minimeque
artes eae probandae, quae ministrae sunt volup-
tatum :
Eunuchus II. Ceijirii, lanif, coqui, fartores, piscatorep
152
BOOK I. xli-xlii
eHicient service to their country^ just as much as it
they were invested with some civil or mihtary author-
ity; it is our duty also to show proper respect to old
age, to yield precedence to magistrates, to make a
distinction bctween a fellow-citizen and a foreigner,
and, in the case of the foreigner himself, to discrimi-
nate according to whether he has come in an official
or a private capacity. In a word, not to go into de-
tails, it is our dutj'^ to respect, defend, and maintain
the common bonds of union and fellowship subsist-
ing between all the members of the human race.
XLII. Now in regard to trades and other means pccupationsj
of Uvehhood, which ones are to be considered
becoming to a gentleman and which ones are
vulgar, we have been taught, in general, as follows.
First, those means of Uvehhood are rejected as un-
desirable which incur people's ill-will, as those
of tax-gatherers and usurers. Unbecoming to a
gentleman, too, and vulgar are the means of HveH-
hood of all hired workmen whom we pay for mere
manual labour, not for artistic skill ; for in their
case the very wages they receive is a pledge of their
slavery. Vulgar we must consider those also who
buy from wholesale merchants to retail immediately ;
for they would get no profits without a great deal
of downright lying; and verily, there is no action
that is meaner than misrepresentation. And all
mechanics are engaged in vulgar trades; for no
workshop can have anything Hberal about it. Least
respectable of all are those trades which cater to
sensual pleasures :
Fishmongers, butchers, cooks, and poulterers,
And fishermen,"
153
C.M. XV-XVII
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ut ait Terentius ; adde huc, si placet, unguentarios,
saltatores totumque ludum talarium.
151 Quibus autem artibus aut prudentia maior inest
aut non mediocris utilitas quaeritur, ut medicina,
ut architectura, ut doctrina rerum honestarum, eae
sunt iis, quorum ordini conveniunt, honestae. Mer-
catura autem, si tenuis est, sordida putanda est ;
sin magna et copiosa, multa undique apportans
multisque sine vanitate impertiens, non est admodum
vituperanda, atque etiam, si satiata quaestu vel
contenta potius, ut saepe ex alto in portum, ex ipso
portu se in agros possessionesque contuUt, videtur
iure optimo posse laudari. Omnium autem rerum,
ex quibus aliquid acquiritur, nihil est agri cultura
melius, nihil uberius, nihil dulcius, nihil homine
libero^ dignius ; de qua quoniam in Catone Maiore
satis multa diximus, illira assumes, quae ad hunc
locum pertinebunt.
1.52 XLIII. Sed ab iis partibus, quae sunt honestatis,
quem ad modum officia ducerentur, satis expositum
videtur. Eorum autem ipsorum, quae honesta sunt,
potest incidere saepe contentio et comparatio,
de duobus honestis utrum honestius, qui locus
a Panaetio est praetermissus. Nam cum omnis
honestas manet a partibus quattuor, quarum una
sit cognitionis, altera communitatis, tertia magnani-
' homine libcro Edd. ; homine nihil lihero B H L a b c.
• illim B', Edd. ; illum H ; illa B^ p ; iUinc a b c ; illic L,
154
BOOK I. xlii-xliii
as Terence says. Add to tlicse, if you please, the
perfumers, dancers, and the whole corps de hallet.
But the professions in which either a higher (2)Uberal
degree of intelHgence is required or from which no
small benefit to society is derived — medicine and
architecture, for example, and teaching — these are
proper for those whose social position they become.
Trade, if it is on a small scale, is to be considered
vulgar; but if wliolesale and on a large scale, im-
porting large quantities from all parts of the world
and distributing to many without misrepresentation,
it is not to be greatly disparaged. Nay, it even
seems to deserve the highest respect, if those who
are engaged in it, satiated, or rather, I should say,
satisfied with the fortunes they have made, make
their way from the port to a country estate, as they
have often made it from the sea into port. But of
all the occupations by which gain is secured,
none is better than agriculture, none more profit-
able, none more dehghtful, none more becoming
to a freeman. But since I have discussed this quite
fully in my Cato Major, you will find there the
material that apphes to this point.
XLIII. Now, I think I have explained fully Comparative
enough how moral duties are derived from the four ^^tj]^'* "*
divisions of moral rectitude. But between those
vory actions which are morally right, a conflict and
comparison may frequently arise, as to which of two
moral actions is morally better — a point overlooked by
Panaetius. For, since all moral rectitude springs from
four sources (one of which is prudence ; the second,
social instinct ; the third, courage ; the fourth, tem-
' The ludus talarius was a kind of low variety show, with
loose songs and dances and bad music.
155
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mitatis, quarta moderatioiiis, haec in deligendo
officio saepe inter se comparentur necesse est.
153 Placet igitur aptiora esse naturae ea officia, quae
ex communitate^ quam ea, quae ex cognitione
ducantur, idque hoc ai-gumento confirmari potest,
quod, si contigerit ea vita sapienti, ut omnium
rerum affluentibus copiis [quamvis] omnia,^ quae
cognitione digna sint, summo otio secum ipse con-
sideret et contempletur, tamen, si solitudo tanta
sit, ut hominem videre non possit, excedat e vita,
Princepsque omnium virtutum illa sapientia, quam
cro4>iav Graeci vocant — prudentiam enim, quam
Graeci 4>p6vr]criv dicunt, aliam quandam intellegimus,
quae est rerum expetendarum fugiendarumque scien-
tia; illa autem sapientia, quam principem dixi, rerum est
divinarum et humanai*um scientia, in qua continetur
deorum et hominum communitas et societas intcr
ipsos ; ea si maxima est, ut est certe, necesse est, quod a
communitate ducatur officium, id esse maximum. Ete-
nim cognitio contemplatioque naturae manca quodam
modo atque inchoata sit, si nulla actio rerum consequa-
tur. Ea autera actio in hominum commodis tuendis
maxime cernitur ; pertinet igitur ad societatem
generis humani ; ergo haec cognitionianteponenda est.
^ copiis \quamvis\ 07nma, Ed. ; copiis quamvis otnnia MSS. ;
copiis omnia Lambinus, Bt., Miiller, Heine.
"Cicero is guilty of a curious fallacy. If it foliows from
his premises, (i) some one virtue is the highest virtue, and
(2) the duties derived from the highest virtue are the highcst
duties, and if (3) wisdom is the highest virtue, then it can
only follow that the duties derived from wisdom are the high-
est duties. But Cicero throws in a fourth premise that the
*' bonds of union between gods and men and the relations of
man to man" are derived from wisdom, and therewith side-
tracks wisdom and gives the duties derived from the social
156
BOOK I. xliii
per.ance) it is often necessary in deciding a question of
duty that these virtues be weighed against one another.
My view, therefore, is that those duties are closer J"**^*^
to nature which depend upon the social instinct Wisdom
than those which depend upon knowledge ; and this
view can be confirmed by the following argument:
(l) suppose that a wise man should be vouclisafed
such a life that, with an abundance of everything
pouring in upon him^ he might in perfect peace
study and ponder over everything that is worth
knowing, still^ if the solitude were so complete that
he could never see a human being, he would die.
And then, the foremost of all virtues is wisdom — what
the Greeks call o-oc^ia; for by prudence, which they
call <f)p6vr)(Ti<;, we understand something else, namely,
the practical knowledge of things to be sought for
and of things to be avoided. (2) Again, that wisdom
which I have given the foremost place is the know-
ledge of things human and divine, which is concerned
also with the bonds of union between gods and men
and the relations of man to man. If wisdom is the
most important of the virtues^ as it certainly is, it
necessarily follows that that duty which is connected
with the social obligation is the most important duty.*
And (3) service is better than mere theoretical know-
ledge^ for the study and knowledge of the universe
would somehow be lame and defective, were no practi-
cal results to follow. Such results, moreover, are best
seen in the safe-guarding of human interests. It is
essential, then,to human society ; and it should, there-
fore, be ranked above speculative knowledge.
instinct the place IVom wliich wisdoni has been shunted.
Cicero coiild not refrain from introducing' a bit of
theoretical speculation that has no value for his practical
position — it actually prejudices it and confuses the reader.
157
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r54 Atque id optimus quisque re ipsa ^ ostendit et
iudicat. Quis enim est tam cupidus in perspicienda
cognoscendaque rerum natura, ut, si ei tractanti
contemplantique res cognitione dignissimas subito
sit allatum periculum discrimenque patriae, cui sub-
venire opitularique possit, non illa omnia relinquat
atque abiciat, etiamsi dinumerare se stellas aut
metiri mundi magnitudinem posse arbitretur ? atque
hoc idem in parentis, in amici re aut periculo
fecerit.
155 Quibus rebus intellegitur studiis officiisque sci-
entiae praeponenda esse officia iustitiae, quae pertinent
ad hominum utiHtatem,^ qua nihil homini esse debet
antiquius.
XLIV. Atque illi, quorum studia vitaque omnis in
rerum cognitione versata est, tamen ab augendis
hominum utiHtatibus et commodis non recesserunt;
nam et erudiverunt multos, quo meliores cives utili-
oresque rebus suis pubHcis essent, ut Thebanum
Epaminondam Lysis Pythagoreus, Syracosium Dio-
nem Plato multique multos, nosque ipsi, quicquid ad
rem publicam attuHmus, si modo aHquid attuHmus, a
doctoribus atque doctrina instructi ad eam et ornati
156 accessimus. Neque solum vivi atque praesentes
studiosos discendi erudiunt atque docent, sed hoc
idem etiam post mortem monumentis litterarum
assequuntur. Nec enim locus ullus est praetermissus
' re ipsa B H a b, Bt., Ed. ', re ab se L.C (i.e. reapse Orelli,
Moller, Heine); ab ipsa re p.
* utilitatem B H a b; caritatem L c p (affection).
158
BOOK I. xliii-xliv
4 Upon this all the best men agree, as they prove
by their conduct. For who is so absorbed in the
investigation and study of creation, but that, even
though he were working and pondering over tasks
never so much worth mastering and even though he
thought lie could immber the stars and measure the
length and breadth of the universe, he would drop
all those problems and cast them aside, if word were
suddenly bi*ought to him of some critical peril to his
country, which he could relieve or repel? And he
would do tlie same to further the interests of parent
or friend or to save him from danger.
From all this we conclude that the duties pre-
scribed by justice must be given precedence over
the pursuit of knowledge and the duties imposed'
by it ; for the former concern the welfare of our
fellow-men; and nothing ought to be more sacred
in men's eyes than that.
XLIV. And yet scholars, whose whole life and wisdominthe
interests have-been devoted to the pursuit of know- ju^tice."
ledge, have not, after all, failed to eontribute to the
advantages and blessings of mankind. For they have
trained many to be better citizens and to render
larger service to their country. So, for example, the
Pythagorean Lysis taught Epaminondas of Thebes ;
Plato, Dion of Syracuse ; and many, many others. As
for me myself, whatever service I have rendered to
my country — if, indeed, I have rendered any— 1
came to my task trained and equipped for it by my
»6 teachers and wliat they taught me. And not only while
present in the flesh do they teach and train those who
are desirous of learning, but by the written memorials
of their learning they continue the same service after
they are dead. For they have overlooked no point
159
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ab iis, qui ad leges, qui ad mores, qui ad disciplinam
rei publicae pertineret, ut otium suum ad nostrum
negotium contulisse videantur. Ita illi ipsi doc-
trinae studiis et sapientiae dediti ad hominum utili-
tatem suam prudentiam intellegentiamque potissi-
mum conferunt; ob eamque etiam causam eloqui
copiose, modo prudenter, melius est quam vel acutis-
sime sine eloquentia cogitare, quod cogitatio in se
ipsa vertitur, eloquentia complectitur eos, quibuscum
communitate iuncti sumus.
1 57 Atque ut apium examina non fingendorum favorum
causa congregantur, sed, cum congregabilia natura
sint, fingunt favos, sic homines, ac multo etiam magis,
natura congregati adhibent agendi cogitandique *
sollertiam. Itaque, nisi ea virtus, quae constat ex
hominibus tuendis, id est ex societate generis
humani, attingat cognitionem rerum, solivaga cogni-
tio et ieiuna videatur, itemque magnitudo animi
remota communitate coniunctioneque humana
feritas sit quaedam et iraDanitas. Ita fit, ut vincat
cognitionis studium consociatio hominum atque
communitas.
lato, 158 Nec verum est, quod dicitiT a quibusdam, propter
X/^h . necessitatem vitae, quod ea, quae natura desideraret,
Poi*V consequi sine aliis attiue efficere non possemus,
'»53 A idcirco initam esse cum hominibus communitatem et
societatem; quodsi omnia nobis, quae ad victum
' cogitandiqtie L c p, Edd. ; con^regandique B H a b.
^communitate p (per compendium), Bt.'*, Miiller, Heine;
comitate A B H L a b c,
J60
BOOK I. xliv
that has a bearing upon laws, customs, or politicai
science ; in fact, they seem to have devoted their re-
tirement to the benefit of us who are engaged in
pubHc business. The principal thing done, thereforej
by those very devotees of the pursuits of learnirig
and science is to apply their own practical wisdom
and insight to the service of humanity. And for that
reason also much speaking (if only it contain wisdom)
is better than speculation never so profound withbut
speech; for mere speculation is self-centred, while
speech extends its benefits to those with whom we
are united by the bonds of society. ^
And again, as swarms of bees do not gather for
the sake of making honeycomb but make the honey-
comb because theyare gregarious by nature,so human
beings— and to a much higher degree — exercise their
skill together in action and thouglit because they are
naturally gregarious. And so, if that virtue [justice] justicemorfe
which centres in the safeguarding of human inter- wudom and''
ests, that is, in the maintenance of human society, Fortitude.
were not to accompany the pursuit of knowledge,
that knowledge would seem isolated and barren of
results. In the same way, courage [Fortitude], if
unrestrained by the uniting bonds of society, would
be but a sort of brutahty and savagery. Hence it
follows that the claims of human society and the
bonds that unite men together take precedence of
the pursuit of speculative knowledge.
And it is not true, as certain people maintain, that
the bonds of union in human society were instituted
in order to provide for the needs of daily life ; for,
they say, without the aid of others we could not
secure for ourselves or supply to others the things
that nature requires; but if all that is essential to our
M 161
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cultumque pertinent, quasi virgula divina, ut aiunt,
suppeditarentur, tum optimo quisque ingenio negotiis
omnibus omissis totum se in cognitione et scientia
collocaret. Non est ita; nam et solitudinem fugeret
et socium studii quaereret, tum docere tum discere
vellet, tum audire tum dicere. Ergo omne officium,
quod ad coniunctionem hominum et ad societatem
tuendam valet, anteponendum est illi officio, quod
cognitione et scientia continetur,
\59 XLV. Illud forsitan quaerendum sit, num haec
communitas, quae maxime est apta naturae, sit etiam
moderationi modestiaeque semper anteponenda.
Non placet; sunt enim quaedam partim ita foeda
partim ita flagitiosa, ut ea ne conservandae quidem
patriae causa sapiens facturus sit. Ea Posidonius
collegit permulta, sed ita taetra quaedam, ita ob-
scena, ut dictu quoque videantur turpia. Haec
igitur non suscipiet rei publicae causa, ne res pubHca
quidem pro se suscipi volet. Sed Iioc^ commodius
se res habet, quod non potest accidere tempus, ut
intersit rei pubhcae quicquam illorum facerc sapien-
tem.
1 60 Quare hoe quidem effectum sit, in officiis dcHgendis
id^ genus officiorum excellere, quod teneatur homi-
num societate. [Etenim cognitionem prudentiam-
' hoc L c p, Edd. ; haec B H a b.
» id a, Edd. , ut h; AocB H L c p.
162
BOOK 1. xliv-xlv
wants and comtbrb were supplied by some magic
wand, as in the stories, then every man of first-rate
abiUty could drop all other responsibility and devote
himself exclusively to learning and study. Not at
all. For he would seek to escape from his lonehness
and to find some one to share his studies ; he would
wish to teach, as well as to learn ; to hear, as well as
to speak. Every duty, therefore, that tends effect-
ively to maintain and safeguard human society should
be given the preference over that duty which arises
from speculation and science alone.
XLV. The following question should, perhaps, be Justice
asked : whether this social instinct, which is the Temperance.
deepest feehng in our nature, is always to have prece-
dence over temperance and moderation also. I think
not. For there are some acts either so repulsive or so
wicked, that a wise man would not commit them,
even to save his country. Posidonius has made a
large collection of them; but some of them are so
shocking, so indecent, that it seems immoral even
to mention them. The wise man, therefore, will not
think of doing any such thing for the sake of his
country; no more will his country consent to have
it done for her. But the problem is the more easily
disposed of because the occasion cannot arise when
it could be to the state's interest to have the wise
man do any of those things.
This, then, may be regarded as settled : in choos- Order of prece-
ing between conflicting duties, that class takes pre- ^^"'^^ °* duties.
cedence which is demanded by the interests of
human society. [And this is the natural sequence;
for discreet action will presuppose learning and prac-
m2 J63
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que sequetur considerata aeti(J; ita fit, ut agere
considerate pluris sit quam cogitare prudenter.]^
Atque haec quidem hactenus. Patefactus enim
locus est ipse^ ut non difficile sit in exquirendo
officio, quid cuique sit praeponendum, videre. In
ipsa autem communitate sunt gradus officiorum, ex
quibus, quid cuique praestet, ini^llegi possit, ut
prima dis immortalibus, secunda patriae, tertia paren-
tibus, deinceps gradatim reliquis debeantur.
161 Quibus ex rebus breviter disputatis intellegi
potest non solum id homines solere dubitare, hone-
stumne an turpe sit, sed etiam duobus propositis
honestis utrum honestius sit. Hic locus a Panaetio
est, ut supra dixi, praetermissus. Sed iam ad reliqua
pergamus.
* Etenim . . . prudenter bracketed by Unger.
»«4
BOOK 1. xlv
tical wisdom; it follows, therefore, that discreet
action is of more value than wise (but inactive)
speculation.J
So nuich must suffice for this topic. For, in its
essence, it has been made so clear, that in deter-
mining a question of duty it is not difficult to
see which duty is to be preferred to any other.
Moreover, even in the social relations themselves
there are gradations of duty so well defined that
it can easily be seen which duty takes prece-
dence of any other : our first duty is to the immortal
gods ; our second, to country ; our third, to parents ;
and so on, in a descending scale, to the rest,
From this brief discussion, then, it can be under-
stood that people are often in doubt not only whether
an action is morally right or wrong, but also, when
a choice is offered between two moral actions, which
one is morally better. This point, as I remarked
above, has been overlooked by Panaetius. But let us
now nass on to what remains.
165
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BOOK II
EXPEDIENCY
LIBER SECUNDUS
I. Quem ad modum officia ducerentur ab hone-
state, Marce fili, atque ab omni genere virtutis^ satis
explicatum arbitror libro superiore. Sequitur, ut
haec officiorum genera persequar, quae pertinent ad
vitae cultum et ad earum rerum, quibus utuntur
homines, facultatem, ad opes, ad copias [; in quo tura
quaeri dixi, quid utile, quid inutile, tum ex utilibus
quid utilius aut quid maxime utile].^ De quibus
dicere aggrediar, si pauca prius de instituto ac de
iudicio meo dixero.
Quamquam enim Hbri nostri complures non modo
ad legendi, sed etiam ad scribendi studium excitave-
runt, tamen interdum vere(W„ ae quibusdam bonis
viris philosophiae nomen sit invisum niirenturque in
ea tantum me operae et temporis ponere.
Ego autem, quam diu res publica per eos gereba-
tur, quibus se ipsa commiserat, omnis meas curas
cogitationesque in eam conferebam ; cum autem
dorainatu unius omnia tenerentur neque esset us-
quam consilio aut auctoritati locus, socios denique
tuendae rei publieae, summos viros, amisissem, ncc
me angoribus dedidi, quibus essem confectus, nisi
' in quo . . . rnaxime utile bracketed by Heumann, Faccio-
lati, liiid. ; tum ex . . . maxime utile not in 6 li a b.
168
BOOK II
I. I believe, Marcus, my son, that I have fully statementol
explained in the preceding book liow duties are s"bject.
derived from moral rectitude, or rather from each of
virtue's four divisions. My next step is to trace out
those kinds of duty which have to do with the com-
forts of Hfe, with the means of acquiring the things
that people enjoy, with influence, and with wealth.
[in this connection, the question is, as I said: (l)
what is expedient, and what is inexpedient; and (2)
of several expedients, which is of more and which
of most importance.] These questions I shall pro-
ceed to discuss, after I have said a few words in
vindication of my present purpose and my principles
of philosophy.
Although my books have aroused in not a few men vvhy cicero
the desire not only toread butto write, yet I sometimes ^y?''^ °"
fear that what we term philosophy is distasteful to
certain worthy gentlemen, and that they wonder that
I devote so much time and attention to it.
Now, as long as the state was administered by the
men to whose care she had voluntarily entrusted
herself, I devoted all my eftbrt and thought to her.
But when everything passed under the absolute
control of a despot and there was no longer any
room for statesmanship or authority of mine; and
finally when I had lost the friends^ who had been
associated with me in the task of serving the interests
of the state, and who were men of the highest
standing, I did not resign myself to grief, by which
I should have been overwhelmed, had I not struggled
' Such as Pompey, Cato, Hortensius, and Piso.
169
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
iis restitissem, nec rursum indignis homine docto
voluptatibus.
Atque utinam res publica stetisset, quo coeperat,
statu nec in homines non tam commutandarum
quam evertendarum rerum cupidos incidisset I Pri-
mum enim, ut stante re publica facere solebamus, in
agendo plus quam in scribendo operae poneremus,
deinde ipsis scriptis non ea, quae nunc, sed actiones
nostras mandaremus, ut saepe fecimus. Cum autem
res publica, in qua omnis mea cura, cogitatio, opera
poni solebat, nuUa esset omnino, illae scilicet litterae
eonticucrunt forenses et senatoriae. Nihil agere
autem cum animus non posset, in his studiis ab initio
versatus aetatis existimavi honestissime molestias'
posse deponi, si me ad pliilosophiam rettuHssem.
Cui cum multum adulescens discendi causa temporis
tribuissem, posteaquam honoribus inservire coepi
meque totum rei publicae tradidi, tantum erat pliilo-
sophiae loci, quantum supcrfuerat amicorum et rei
publicae temporibus;^ id autem omne consumebatur
in legeudo, scribendi otium non erat.
II. Maximis igitur in maUs hoc tamen boni asse-
cuti videmur, ut ea litteris mandaremus, quae nec
erant satis nota nostris et erant cognitione dignis-
sima. Quid enim est, per deos, optabilius sapientia,
^ molestias L c p, Noiiius, Edd. ; not in B H a b.
"^ teniporibus Victorius, Edd. ; temporis B H a b; tempori
L c p.
170
BOOK II. i-ii
against It ; neitherj on the other hand^ did I sur-
render myself to a life of sensual pleasure unbe-
coming to a philosopher.
I would that the government had stood fast in
the position it had begun to assume and had not
fallen into the hands of men who desired not so
much to reform as to abohsh the constitution. For
then, in the first place, I should now be devoting
my energies more to public speaking than to writ-
ing, as I used to do when the repubhc stood ; and in
the second place, I should be committing to written
form not these present essays but my pubHc speeches,
as I often formerly did. But when the republic, to
which all my care and thought and eflfbrt used to be
devoted, was no more, then, of course, my voice was
silenced in the forum and in fhe senate. And since
my mind could not be wholly idle, I thought, as I
had been well-read along these Hnes of thought from
my early youth, that the most honourable way for
me to forget my sorrows would be by turning to
philosophy. As a young man, I had devoted a great
deal of time to philosophy as a discipHne ; but after
I began to fill the high offices of state and devoted
myself heart and soul to the pubHc service, there
was only so much time for philosophical studies as
was left over from the claims of my friends and of
the state ; aH of this was spent in reading ; I had no
leisure for writing.
II. Therefore, amid aH the present most awful why philosophy
calamities I yet flatter myself that I have won '* ^°'^^ whiie.
this good out of evil — that I may commit to
written form matters not at aH famihar to our
countrymen but stiH very much worth their know-
ing. For what, i^i the name of heaven, is more to
171
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
quid praestantius, quid homini melius, quid homine
dignius? Hanc igitur qui expetunt/ philosophi no-
minantur, nec quicquam aliud est philosophia, si
interpretari velis, praeter studium sapientiae. Sapi-
entia autem est, ut a veteribus philosopliis definitum
est, rerum divinarum et humanarum causarumque,
quibus eae res continentur, scientia; cuius studium
qui vituperat, haud sane intellego, quidnam sit,
6 quod laudandum putet. Nam sive oblectatio quae-
ritur animi requiesque curarum, quae conferri cum
eorum studiis potest, qui semper aUquid anquirunt,
quod spectet et valeat ad bene beateque vivendum?
sive ratio constantiae virtutisqi^e ducitur, aut hc^c
ars est aut nulla omnino, per quam eas assequamur.
Nullam dicere maximarum rerum artem esse, cum
minimarum sine arte nuUa sit, hominum est parum
considerate loquentium atque in maximis rebus
errantium. Si autem est ahqua disciplina virtutis,
ubi ea quaeretur, cum ab hoc discendi genere disces-
seris ?
Sed haec, cum ad philosophiam cohortamur, accu-
Eioitensius, de ratius disputari solent, quod alio quodam hbro
Div., II, I
fecimus; hoc autem tempore tantum nobis decla-
randum fuit, cur orbati rei publicae muneribus ad
hoc nos studium potissimum contuhssemus.
7 Occurritur autem nobis, et quidem a doctis et
' expetunt L c p, Edd. ; expetant H ; expectant B a b.
172.
BOOK II. U
be desired than wisdom? What is more to be
prized? What is better for a man, what more
worthy of his nature? Those who seek after it are
called philosophers ; and philosophy is nothing else,
if one will translate the word into our idiom, than
the love of wisdom." Wisdom, moreover, as the
word has been defined by the philosophers of old, is
the knowledge of things human and divine and of
the causes by which those things are controlled."
And if the man hves who would beUttle the study of
philosophy, I quite fail to see wliat in the world he
would see fit to praise. For if we are looking for
mental enjoyment and relaxation, what pleasure can
be compared with the pursuits of those whoare always
studying out something that will tend toward and
effectively promote a good and happy Hfe ? Or, if
regard is had for strength of cliaracter and virtue,
then this is the method by which we can attain td
those qualities, or there is none at all. And to say that
there is no method " for securing the highest bless-
ings, when none even of the least important concerns
is without its method, is the language of people who
talk without due reflection and who blunder in mat-
ters of the utmost importance. Furthermore, if
there is really a way to learn virtue, where shall one
look for it, when one has turned aside from this
field of learning?
Now, wlien I am advocating the study of philoso-
phy, I usually discuss this subject at greater length,
as I have done in another of my books. For the
present I meant only to explain why, deprived of
the tasks of public service, I have devoted myself to
this particular pursuit.
But people raise other objections against me —
173
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
eruditis quaerentibus, satisne eoiistanter facere vi-
deamur, qui, cum percipi nihil posse dicamus, tamen
et aliis de rebus disserere soleamus et hoc ipso
tempore praecepta officii persequamur. Quibus vel-
lem satis cognita esset nostra sententia. Non enim
sumus ii, quorum vagetur animus errore nec habeat
umquam, quid sequatur. Quae enim esset ista mens
vel quae vita potius non modo disputandi, sed etiam
vivendi ratione sublata? Nos autem, ut ceteri alia
certa, alia incerta esse dicunt, sic ab his dissentientes
alia probabilia, contra alia dicimus.
8 Quid est igitur, quod me impediat ea, quae proba-
bilia mihi videantur, sequi, quae contra, improbare
atque affirmandi arrogantiam vitantem fugere teme-
ritatem, quae a sapientia dissidet plurimum ? Contra
autem omnia disputatur^ a nostris, quod hoc ipsum
probabile elucere non posset,^ nisi ex utraque parte
causarum esset facta contentio.
11, ao ff. Sed haec explanata sunt in Academicis nostris
satis, ut arbitror, diligenter. Tibi autem, mi Cicero,
quamquam in antiquissima nobiHssimaque philoso-
phia Cratippo auctore versaris iis similhmo, qui ista
' disputatur Edd. ; disputantur MSS.
"^posset a c ; possit B H b.
174
BOOK II. ii
and that, too, philosophers and scholars — asking Position o< the
whether I think I am quite consistent in my con- "^" ^^* ^™^
duct : for although our school maintains that nothing
can be known for certain, yet, they urge, I make a
habit of presenting my opinions on all sorts of sub-
jects and at this very moment am trying to formulate
rules of duty. But I wish that they had a proper
understanding of our position. For we Academi-
cians are not men whose minds wander in uncer-
tainty and never know what principles to adopt.
For what sort of mental habit, or rather what sort
of life would that be which should dispense with all
rules for reasoning or even for living? Not so with
us; but, as other schools maintain that some things
are certain, others uncertain, we, differing with
them, say that some things are probable, others im-
probable.
What, then, is to hinder me from accepting what
seems to me to be probable, while rejecting what
seems to be improbable, and from shunning the
presumption of dogmatism, while keeping clear of
that recklessness of assertion which is as far as
possible removed from true wisdom? And as to the
fact that our school argues against everything, that
is only because we could not get a clear view of
what is probable," unless a comparative estimate
were made of all the arguments on both sides.
But this subject has been, I think, quite fuUy set
forth in my Academics." And althougli, my dear
Cicero, you are a student of that most ancient and
celebrated school of phikjsophy, with Cratippus as
your master— and he deserves to be classed with the
founders of that illustrious sect^ — still I wish our
' Aristotle and Theophrastus.
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
praeclara pepererunt, tamen haec nostra finitima ve-
stris ignota esse nolui.
Sed iam ad instituta pergamus.
9 III. Quinque igitur rationibus propositis officii
persequendij quarum duae ad decus honestatemque
pertinerent, duae ad commoda vitae, copias, opes,
facultates, quinta ad eligendi iudicium, si quando
ea, quae dixi, pugnare inter se viderentur, honestatis
pars confecta est, quam quidem tibi cupio esse notis-
simam.
Hoc autem, de quo nunc agimus, id ipsum est,
quod utile" appellatur. In quo verbo lapsa consue-
tudo deflexit de via sensimque eo deducta est, ut
honestatem ab utilitate secernens constitueret esse
honestum aliquid, quod utile non esset, et utile,
quod non honestum, qua nuUa pernicies maior ho-
minum vitae potuit afferri.
10 Summa quidem auctoritate philosophi severe sane
atque honeste haec tria genera confusa^ cogitatione
distinguunt. [Quicquid enim iustum sit, id etiam utile
esse censent, itemque quod honestum, idem iustum ;
ex quo efficitur, ut, quicquid honestum sit, idem sit
utile.] ^ Quod qui parum perspiciunt, ii saepe versu-
^ haec tria genera confusa B H a b, Bt.^, Heine; haec tria
5enere confusa c, Bt.*, Miiller; haec tria genera, re confusa
. F. Heusinger.
"^ Quicquid . . . sit utile brackeled by Unger, Bt.^ Miil-
ler, Heinf^.
176
BOOK II. ii-iii
school, which is closely related to j^ours, not to be
unknown to you.
Let us now proceed to the task in hand.
III. Five principles, accordingly, have been laid Expediency and
j /•■1 rji.j.*i'i.i-i j. Moral Rectitude
aown lor the pursuance ot duty : two ot them have to identicai.
do with propriety and moral rectitude ; two, with the
external conveniences of life — means, wealth, influ-
ence ; the fifth, with the proper choice, if ever the
four first mentioned seem to be in conflict. The
division treating of moral rectitude, then, lias been
completed, and this is the part with which I desire
you to be most famihar.
The pi*inciple with which we are now deahng is
that one which is called Expediency. The usage
of this word has been corrupted and perverted and
has gradually come to the point where, separating
moral rectitude from expediencj^, it is accepted that
a thing may be morally right without being expedi-
ent, and expedient without being morally right. No
more pernicious doctrine than this could be intro-
duced into human hfe.
There are, to be sure, philosophers of the very
highest reputation who distinguish theoretically be-
tween these three conceptions,^ although they are
indissolubly blended together; and they do this, I
assume, on moral, conscientious principles. [For
whatever is just, they hold, is also expedient; and in
Uke manner, whatever is morally right is also just. It
follows, then, that whatever is morally right, is also
expedient.] Those who fail to comprehend that
^ That is, they make a false distinction between (i) moral
rectitude that is at the same time expedient; (2) moral
rectitude that is (apparently) not expedient; and (3) the
expedient that is (apparently) not morally right.
N . 177 '
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
tos homines et callidos admirantes malitiam sapien-
tiam iudicant. Quorum error eripiendus est opinio-
que omnis ad eam spem traducenda, ut honestis
consiliis iustisque factis, non fraude et mahtia se in-
tellegant ea, quae velint, consequi posse.
1 1 Quae ergo ad vitam hominum tuendam pertinent,
partim sunt inanima, ut aurum, argentum, ut ea,
quae gignuntur e terra, ut aha generis eiusdem,
partim animalia, quae habent suos impetus et rerum
appetitus. Eorum autem alia^ rationis expertia sunt,
alia ratione utentia; expertes rationis equi, boves,
reliquae pecudes, [apes,]^ quarum opere efficitur ali-
quid ad usum hominum atque vitam ; ratione autem
utentium duo genera ponunt, deorum unum, alterum
hominum. Deos placatos pietas efficiet et sanctitas,
proxime autem et secundum deos homines homini-
bus maxime utiles esse possunt.
12 Earumque item rerum, quae noceant et obsint,
eadem divisio est. Sed quia deos nocere non pu-
tant, iis exceptis homines hominibus obesse plurimum
arbitrantur.
Ea enim ipsa, quae inanima diximus, pleraque
sunt hominum operis effecta ; quae nec haberemus,
nisi manus et ars accessisset, nec iis sine hominum
administratione uteremur. Neque enim valetudi-
nis curatio neque navigatio neque agri cultura
neque frugum fructuumque reliquorum perceptio et
' alia H^ (inserted above thc line) a, Edd.; not in B H' b;
tiartim c.
^apes MSS.; bracketed by Facciolati, Edd.
178
BOOK II. iii
theory do often, in their admiration for shrewd and
clever men, take craftiness for wisdom. But they
must be disabused of this error and their way of
thinking must be wholly converted to the hope and
conviction that it is only by moral character and
righteousness, not by dishonesty and craftiness, that
they may attain to the objects of their desires.
Of the things^ then, that are essential to the sus- ciassificationof
tenance of human life, some are inanimate (gold and ^^^^ '®°'*'
silver, for example, the fruits of the earth, and so
forth), and some are animate and have their own
pecuUar instincts and appetites. Of these again
some are rational, others irrational. Horses, oxen,
and the other cattle, [bees,] whose labour contributes
more or less to the service and subsistence of man,
are not endowed with reason ; of rational beings two
divisions are made — gods and men. Worship and
purity of character will win the favour of the gods ;
and next to the gods, and a close second to them,
men can be most helpful to men.
The same classification may Hkewise be made of
the things that are injurious and hurtful. But as
people think that the gods bring us no harm, they
decide (leaving the gods out of the question) that
men are most hurtful to men.
As for mutual helpfulness, those very things Necessityof
which we have called inanimate are for the most nets to^^man?
part themselves produced by man's labours; we
should not have them without the application of
manual labour and skill nor could we enjoy thera
without the intervention of man. And so with many
other things : for without man's industry there could
have been no provisions for health, no navigation,
no agriculture, no ingathering or storing of the
n2 179
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conservatio sine hominum opera ulla esse potuisset.
J 3 lam vero et earum rerum, quibus abundaremus, ex-
portatio et earum, quibus egeremus, invectio certe
nulla esset, nisi his^ muneribus homines fungeren-
tur. Eademque ratione nec lapides ex terra excide-
Attius, Prome- rentur ad usum nostrum necessarn, nec lerrum, aes,
fab"Ribbeck2r' aurum, argentum" efFoderetur " penitus abditum"
^54 sine hominum labore et manu.
IV. Tecta vero, quibus et frigorum vis pelleretur et
calorum molestiae sedarentur, unde aut initio generi
humano dari potuissent aut postea subveniri,^ si aut vi
tempestatis aut terrae motu aut vetustate cecidissent,
nisi communis vita ab hominibus harum rerum auxiha
1 4 petere didicisset ? Adde ductus aquarum, derivationes
fluminum, agrorum irrigationes, moles oppositas flu-
ctibus, portus manu factos, quae unde sine hominum
opere habere possemus ? Ex quibus multisque ahis
perspicuum est, qui fructus quaeque utihtates ex rebus
iis, quae sint inanimae, percipiantur, eas nos nullo
modo sine hominum manu atque opera capere potuisse.
Qui denique ex bestiis fructus aut quae commodi-
tas, nisi homines adiuvarent, percipi posset ? Nam
et qui principes inveniendi fuerunt, quem ex quaque
belua usum habere possemus, homines certe fuerunt,
nec hoc tempore sine hominum opera aut pascere eas
aut domare aut tueri aut tempestivos fructus ex iis
capere possemus ; ab eisdemque et, quae nocent,^ in-
terficiuntur et, quae usui possunt esse, capiuntur.
1 5 Quid enumerem artium multitudinem, sine quibus
vita omnino nuUa esse potjusset ? Qui enim aegris
' kts H, Edd. ; m B L b ; htjs c.
* subvcniri L c, MuUer, Heine; subvenire B H ab, Bt., Ed.
* et, quae nocent Rt.'*; et eae, quae nocent B H b, Bt,'; ct
ea quac nocent L; ea quae nocen. c.
>80
BOOK II. iii-iv
3 fruits of the field or other kinds of produce. Then,
too, there would surely be no exportation of our
superfluous commodities or importation of those we
lack, did not men perform these services. By the
same process of reasoning, without the labour of
man's hands, the stone needful for our use would
not be quarried from the earth, nor would iron, cop-
per, gold, and silver, hidden far within," be mined.
IV. And how could houses ever have been pro- Mutuai heip-
vided in the first place for the human race, to keep to'crv?iizatioa^
out the rigours of the cold and alleviate the discom-
forts of the heat; or how could the ravages of
furious tempest or of earthquake or of time upon
them afterward have been repaired, had not the
bonds of social life taught men in such events to
4 look to their fellow-men for help ? Think of the
aqueducts, canals, irrigation works, breakwaters,
artificial harbours ; how should we have these
without the work of man ? From these and many
other illustrations it is obvious that we could not in
any way, without the work of man's hands, have re-
ceived the profits and the benefits accruing from
inanimate things.
Finally, of what profit or service could animals be,
without the co-operation of man ? For it was men
who were the foremost in discovering what use could
be made of each beast ; and to-day, if it were not
for man's labour, we could neither feed them nor
break them in nor take care of them nor yet secure
the profits from them in due season. By man, too,
noxious beasts are destroyed, and those that can be
of use are captured.
5 WJiy should I recount the multitude of arts without
which hfe would not be worth living at all? For
181
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
subveniretur/ quae esset oblectatio valentium, qui
victus aut cultus, nisi tam multae nobis artes mini-
strarent ? quibus rebus exculta hominum vita tantum
distat^ a victu et cultu bestiarum. Urbes vero sine
hominum coetu non potuissent nec aedificari nec
frequentari ; ex quo leges moresque constituti, tum
iuris aequa discriptio ' certaque vivendi disciplina ;
quas res et mansuetudo animorum consecuta et vere-
cundia est effectumque^ ut esset vita munitior^ atque
ut dando et accipiendo mutuandisque facultatibus
et commodandis* nulla re egeremus.
16 V. Longiores hoc loco sumus, quam necesse est.
Quis est enim, cui non perspicua sint illa, quae phiribus
verbis a Panaetio commemorantur, neminem neque
ducem bello ^ nec principem domi magnas res et salu-
tares sine hominum studiis gerere potuisse? Com-
memoratur ab eo Themistocles, Pericles, Cyrus,
Agesilaus, Alexander, quos negat sine adiumentis
hominum tantas res efficere potuisse. Utitur in re
non dubia testibus non necessariis.
Atque ut magnas utihtates adipiscimur conspira-
tione hominum atque consensu, sic nulla tam dete-
stabiHs pestis est, quae non homini ab homine nascatur.
Est Dicaearchi Hber de interitu hominum, Peripate-
^ qui . . . subvejiiretur Gernhaird, Edd. ; qui . . . subveniret
B H ; quis . . . subveniret L c; quid . . . subveniret a b.
* distat L c p, Miiller, Heine ; destitit B H a b, Bt.
' discriptio H b ; descriptio B a c.
* mutuandisque facultatibus et commodandis Nonius,
Bt.*, Miiller; mutandisque facultatibus et commodis MSS.,
Bt.', Heine.
» bello B H a b, Muller, Heine; bclli L c p, Bt.
182
BOOK II. iv-v
how would the sick be healed ? What pleasure
would the well enjoy ? What comforts should we
liave, if there were not so many arts to minister to
our wants ? In all these respects the civiHzed life
of nian is far removed from the standard of the
comforts and wants of the lower animals. And with-
out the association of men, cities could not have been
built or peopled. In consequence of city Hfe, laws
and customs were estabhshed, and then came the
equitable distribution of private rights and a definite
social system. Upon these institutions followed a
more humane spirit and consideration for others,
with the result that Hfe was better supplied with aU
it requires, and by giving and receiving, by mutual
exchange of commodities and conveniences, we
succeeded in meeting all our wants.
V. I have dwelt longer on this point than was
necessary. For who is there to whom those facts
which Panaetius narrates at great length are not
self-evident — namely, that no one, either as a
general in war or as a statesman at home could have
accompHshed great things for the benefit of the
state, without the hearty co-operation of other men ?
He cites the deeds of Themistocles, Pericles, Cyrus,
Agesilaus, Alexander, who, he says, could not liave
achieved so great success without the support of
other men. He calls in witnesses, whom he does
not need, to prove a fact that no one questions.
And yet, as, on the one hand, we secure great Man'shurtfui-
advantages tlirough the sympathetic co-operation of "^^^* '° ™*°'
our fellow-men ; so, on the other, tliere is no curse
so terrible but it is brought down by man upon
man. There is a book by Dicaearchus on The
Destruction of Human Life." He was a famous
183
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
tici magni et copiosi, qui collectis ceteris causis
eluvionis^ pestilentiae^ vastitatis, beluarum etiam
repentinae multitudinis, quarum impetu docet quae-
dam hominum genera esse consumpta, deinde com-
pai'at, quanto plures deleti sint homines hominum
impetu, id est bellis aut seditionibus, quam omni
reliqua calamitate.
1 7 Cum igitur hic locus nihil habeat dubitationis, quin
homines plurimum hominibus et prosint et obsint,
proprium hoc statuo esse virtutis, conciliare animos
hominum et ad usus suos adiungere. Itaque, quae
in rebus inanimis quaeque in usu et^ tractatione
beluarum fiunt utiliter ad hominum vitam, artibus ea
tribuuntur operosis, hominum autem studia ad am-
pHficationem nostrarum rerum prompta ac parata
[virorum praestantiumj ^ sapientia et virtute excitan-
1 8 tur. Etenim virtus omnis tribus in rebus fere ver-
titur, quarum una est in perspiciendo, quid in quaque
re verum sincerumque sit, quid consentaneum cuique,
quid consequens, ex quo quaeque gignantur, quae
cuiusque rei causa sit, alterum cohibere motus animi
turbatos, quos Graeci TrdOr] nominant, appetitiones-
que, quas illi opfids, oboedientes efficere rationi,
tertium iis, quibuscum congregemur, uti moderate
et scienter, quorum studiis ea, quae natura desiderat,
expleta cumulataque habeamus, per eosdemque, si
quid importetur nobis incommodi, propulsemus
ulciscamurque eos, qui nocere nobis conati sint,
' usu ^^ L c p ; not in B H a b ; bracketed by Bt.'
* virorunt praestantium bracketed by Ed.
184
BOOK II. V
and eloquent Peripatetic and he gathered together
all the other causes of destruction — floods, epidemics,
famines, and sudden incursions of wild animals in
myriadSj by whose assaults, he informs us, whole
tribes of men have been wiped out. And then he
proceeds to show by way of comparison how many
more men have been destroyed by the assaults
of men — that is, by wars or revolutions — than by
any and all other sorts of calamity.
Since, therefore, there can be no doubt on thisCo-operationand
pointj that man is the source of both the greatest
help and the greatest harm to man, I set it down as
the peculiar function of virtue to win the hearts of
men and to attach them to one's own service. And
so those benefits that human life derives from inani-
mate objects and from the employment and use of
animals are ascribed to the industrial arts ; the
co-operation of men, on the other hand, prompt and
ready for the advancement of our interests, is secured
through wisdom and virtue [in men of superior
abiUty]. And, indeed, virtue in general may be
said to consist almost wholly in three properties :
the first is [Wisdom,] the abihty to perceive what in
any given instance is true and real, what its relations
are, its consequences, and its causes; the second is
[Temperance,] the ability to restrain the passions
(which the Greeks call TrdOr]) and make the impulses
{opfiai) obedient to reason; and the third is [jus-
tice,] the skill to treat with consideration and
wisdom those with whom we are associated, in order
that we may through their co-operation have our
natural wants supplied in full and ovei^flowing mea-
sure, that we may ward off" any impending trouble,
avenge ourselves upon those who have attempted to
185
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tantaque poena afficiamus, quantam aequitas huma-
nitasque patitur.
19 VI, Quibus autem rationibus hano facultatem
assequi possimus, ut hominum studia complectamur
eaque teneamus, dicemus, neque ita multo post, sed
pauca ante dicenda sunt.
Magnam vim esse in fortuna in utramque partem,
vel secundas ad res vel adversas, quis ignorat ? Nam
et, cum prospero flatu eius utimur, ad exitus perve-
himur optatos et, cum reflavit, affligimur. Haec
igitur ipsa fortuna ceteros casus rariores habet, pri-
mum ab inanimis procellas, tempestates, naufragia,
ruinas, incendia, deinde a bestiis ictus, morsus, im-
20 petus ; haec ergo, ut dixi, rariora. At vero interitus
exercituum, ut proxime trium, saepe multorum, cla-
des imperatorum, ut nuper summi et singularis viri,
invidiae praeterea multitudinis atque ob eas bene
meritorum saepe civium expulsiones, calamitates,
, fugae, rursusque secundae res, honores, imperia,
victoriae, quamquam fortuita sunt, tamen sine ho-
minum opibus et studiis neutram in partem effici
possunt.
Hoc igitur cognito dicendum est, quonam modo
hominum studia ad utilitates nostras allicere atque
excitare possimus. Quae si longior fuerit oratio,
\86
BOOK II. v-vi
injure us, and visit them with such retribution as
justice and humanity will permit.
1 9 VI. I shall presently discuss the means by which we
can gain the abihty to win and hold the afFections of
our fellow-men ; but I must say a few words by way
of preface.
Who fails to comprehend the enormous^ two-fold Co-operation
power of Fortune for weal and for woe? When we Fortune.
enjoy her favouring breeze, we are wafted over to
the wished for haven ; wlien she blows against us,
we are dashed to destruction. Fortune herself,
then, does send tiiose other less usual calamities,
arising, first, from inanimate nature — hurricanes,
storms, shipwrecksj catastrophes, conflagrations ;
second, from wild beasts — kicks, bites, and attacks.
But these, as I have said, are comparatively rare.
20 But think, on the one side, of the destruction of
armies (three lately, and many others at many dif-
ferent times), the loss of generals (of a very able and
eminent commander recently), the hatred of the
masses, too, and the banishment that as a conse-
quence frequently coroes to men of eminent ser-
vices, their degradation and voluntary exile ; think,
on the other hand, of the successes, the civil and
mihtary honours, and the victories ; — though all
these contain an element of chance, still they
cannot be brought about, whether for good or for
ill, without the influence and the co-operation of our
fellow-men.
With this understanding of the influence of For-
tune, I may proceed to explain how we can win the
affectionate co-operation of our fellows and enhst it
in our service. And if the discussion of this point
is unduly prolonged, let the length be compared
187
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
cum magnitudine utilitatis comparetur; ita fortasse
etiam brevior videbitur.
21 Quaeeumque igitur homines homini tribuunt ad
eum augendum atque honestandum, aut benivolen-
tiae gratia faciunt, cum aliqua de causa quempiam
diligunt, aut honoris, si cuius virtutem suspiciunt,
quemque dignum fortuna quam amphssima putant,
aut cui fidem habent et bene rebus suis consulere
arbitrantur, aut cuius opes metuunt, aut contra, a
quibus ahquid exspectant, ut cum reges popularesve
homines largitiones ahquas proponunt, aut postremo
pretio ac mercede ducuntur, quae sordidissima est
illa quidem ratio et inquinatissima et iis, qui ea
tenentur, et ilh's, qui ad eam^ confugere conantur;
22 male enim se res habet, cum, quod virtute effici de-
bet, id temptatur pecunia. Sed quoniam non num-
quam hoc subsidium necessarium est,quem ad modum
sit utendum eo, dicemus, si prius iis ^ de rebus, quae
virtuti propiores sunt, dixerimus.
Atque etiam subiciunt se homines imperio alterius
et potestati de causis pluribus. Ducuntur enim aut
benivolentia aut beneficiorum magnitudine aut digni-
tatis praestantia aut spe sibi id utile futurum aut
metu, ne vi parere cogantur, aut spe largitionis
' eam c, Edd. ; ^a B H a b.
^ iis Edd. ; his B H a b ; hijs c.
188
BOOK II. vi
with the importance of the object in view. It will
then, perhaps, seem even too short.
Whenever, then, people bestow anything upon how men a-.?
a fellow-man to raise his estate or his dignity, anothe^^s""'^'*
it may be from any one of several motives : (l ) interests.
it may be out of good-will, when for some reason
they are fond of him ; (2) it may be from es-
teem, if they look up to his worth and think him
deserving of the most splendid fortune a man can
have ; (.s) they may have confidence in him and think
that they are thus acting for their own interests ; or
(4) they may fear his power ; (5) they may, on the
contrary, hope for some favour — as, for example, when
princes or demagogues bestow gifts of money ; or,
finally, (6) they may be moved by the promise of
payment or reward. This last is, I admit, the
meanest and most sordidmotive of all, both for those
who are swayed by it and for those who venture to
resort to it. For things are in a bad way, when that
which should be obtained by merit is attempted
by money. But since recourse to tliis kind of sup-
port is sometimes indispensable, I shall explain
how it should be employed; but first I shall
discuss those quaUties which are more closely aUiec
to merit.
Now, it is by various motives that people are led
to submit to another's authority and power: they
may be influenced (l) by good-will ; (s) by gratitude
for generous favours conferred upon them ; (s) by the
eminence of that other's sociai position or by the hope
that their submission will turn to their own account ;
(4) by fear that they may be compelled perforce to
submit ; (5) they may be captivated by the hope of
gifts of money and by hberal promises ; or, finally,
189
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
promissisque ^ capti aut postremo, ut saepe in nostra
re publica videmus, mercede conducti.
VII. Omnium autem rerum nec aptius est quic-
quam ad opes tuendas ac tenendas quam diligi nec
alienius quam timeri. Praeclare enim Ennius :
Quem metuunt, oderunt; quem quisque odit, peri-
isse expetit.
Multorum autem odiis nullas opes posse obsistere, si
antea fuit ignotum, nuper est cognitum. Nec vero
huius tyranni solum, quem armis oppressa pertulit
civitas ac paret cum maxime mortuo,^ interitus
declarat, quantum odium hominum valeat ad pestem,
sed reliquorum similes exitus tyrannorum, quorum
haud fere quisquam talem interitum effugit; malus
enim est custos diuturnitatis metus contraque beni-
volentia fidelis vel ad perpetuitatem.
24 Sed iis, qui vi oppressos imperio coercent, sit sane
adhibenda saevitia, ut eris* in famulos, si aliter
teneri non possunt; qui vero in libera civitate ita se
instruunt, ut metuantur, iis^ nihil potest esse demen-
tius. Quamvis enim sint demersae leges ahcuius
opibus, quamvis timefacta libertas, emergunt tamen
haec ahquando aut iudiciis tacitis aut occultis de
honore sufFragiis. Acriores autem morsus sunt inter-
^ proniissisque L c, Edd. ; promissionisque B H a b ; pro-
missionibnsque alii.
"^ ac paret cum viaxime mortuo, Halm, Miiller, Heine ;
paretque cum maxime mortuo c', Bt. ; paretque, c. m. m. L ;
apparet, cuius maxime mortui b ; apparet cuius maxime
portui B H a.
^ valeat c ; valet B H a b.
* ut eris Baiter; ut eriis B; uteris L ; utere hiis H ; utere
iis b ; utere his a ; utantur eis c.
^ iis Edd. ; his B H L a ; hijs c ; hiis b.
190
BOOK II. vi-vii
(6) they may be bribed with money, as we have fre-
quently seen in our own country.
VII. But of all motives, none is better adapted to Themotiveot
secure influence and hold it fast than love ; nothing \lll'''- "^^'°*
is more foreign to that end than fear. For Ennius
says admirably :
" Whom they fear they hate. And whom one hates,
one hopes to see him dead."
And we recently discovered, if it was not known be-
fore, that no amount of power can withstand th e hatred
of the many. The death of this tyrant,^ whose yoke Hatredof
the state endured under the constraint of armed 'y'^*""^*
force and whom it still obeys more humblj' than
ever, though he is dead, illustrates the deadly effects
of popular hatred ; and the same lesson is taught by
the similar fate of all other despots, of whom practi-
cally no one has ever escaped such a death. For
fear is but a poor safeguard of lasting power; while
affection, on the other hand, may be trusted to keep
it safe for ever.
But those who keep subjects in check by force
would of course have to employ severity — masters, for
example, toward their servants, when these cannot
be held in control in any other way. But those who
in a free state deliberatelj' put themselves in a
position to be feared are the maddest of the mad.
For let the laws be never so much overborne by some
one individuaFs power, let the spirit of freedom be
never so intimidated, still sooner or later they assert
themselves either through unvoiced public sentiment,
or through secret ballots disposing of some high
office of state. Freedom suppressed and again re-
gained bites witli keener fangs than freedom never
^ Julius Caesar.
191
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
missae libertatis quam retentae. Quod igitur latis-
sime patet neque ad incolumitatem solum, sed etiam
ad opes et potentiam valet plurimum, id amplecta-
mur, ut metus absit, caritas retineatur. Ita facillime,
quae volemus, et privatis in rebus et in re publica
consequemur.
Etenim qui se metui volent, a quibus metuentur,
25 cosdem metuant ipsi necesse est. Quid enim cense-
mus superiorem illum Dionysium quo cruciatu timoris
angi solitum, qui cultros metuens tonsorios candente
carbone sibi adurebat capillum? quid Alexandrum
Pheraeum quo animo vixisse arbitramur? qui, ut
scriptum legimus, cum uxorem Theben admodum
diligeret, tamen adeamex epulis incubiculumveniens
barbarum, et eum quidem, ut scriptum est, compun-
ctum notis Thraeciis, destricto gladio iubebat anteire
praemittebatque de stipatoribus suis, qui scrutarentur
arculas muHebres et, ne quod in vestimentis telum
occultaretur, exquirerent. O miserum, qui fideHorem
et barbarum et stigmatiam putaret quam coniugem !
Nec eum fefelHt ; ab ea est enim ipsa propter peH-
catus suspicionem interfectus.
Nec vero ulla vis imperii tanta est, quae premente
26 metu possit esse diuturna. Testis est Phalaris, cuius
est praeter ceteros nobiHtata crudeHtas, qui non ex
insidiis interiit, ut is, quem modo dixi, Alexander,
non a paucis, ut hic noster, sed in quem universa
Agrigentinorum multitudo impetum fecit.
Quid? Macedones nonne Demetrium reHquerunt
192
BOOK II. vii
endangered. Let us, then, embrace this policy, which
appeals to every heart and is the strongest support
not only of security but also of influence and power
— namely, to banish fear and cleave to love. And
thus we shall most easily secure success both in pri-
vate and in public life.
Furthermore, those who wish to be feared must in-
evitably be afraid of those whom they intimidate.
What, for instance, shall we think of the elder Diony- The wretched-
sius ? With what tormenting fears he used to be
racked ! For through fear of the barber's razor he
used to have his hair singed offwith a glowing coal. In
what state of mind do we fancy Alexander of Pherae
lived ? We read in history that he dearly loved his
wife Thebe ; and yet, whenever he went from the
banquet hall to her in her chamber, he used to order
a barbarian — one, too, tattooed hke a Thracian, as
the records state — to go before him with a drawn
sword ; and he used to send ahead some of his body-
guard to pry into the lady's caskets and to search and
see whether some weapon were not concealed in her
wardrobe. Unhappy man ! To think a barbarian, a
branded slave, more faithful than his own wife ! Nor
was he mistaken. For he was murdered by her own
hand, because she suspected him of infideUty.
And indeed no power is strong enough to be last-
ing, if it labours under the weight of fear. Witness
Phalaris, whose cruelty is notorious beyond that of
all others. He was slain, not treacherously (hke tliat
Alexander whom I named but now), not by a few
conspirators (hke that tyrant of ours), but the whole
population of Agrigentum rose against him with one
accord.
Again, did rrot the Maeedonians abandon Deme-
o 193
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
universique se ad Pyrrhum contulerunt? Quid?
Lacedaemonios iniuste imperantes nonne repente
omnes fere socii deseruerunt spectatoresque se otiosos
praebuerunt Leuctricae calamitatis?
VIIL Externa libentius in tali re quam domestica
recordor. Verum tamen, quam diu imperium populi
Romani beneficiis tenebatur, non iniuriis, bella aut
pro sociis aut de imperio gerebantur, exitus erant
bellorum aut mites aut necessarii, regum, populo-
rum, nationum portus erat et refugium senatus,
27 nostri autem magistratus impei*atoresque ex hac una
re maximam laudem capere studebant, si provincias,
(27) si socios aequitate et fide defendissent ; itaque illud
patrocinium orbis terrae verius quam imperium po-
terat nominari.
Sensim hanc consuetudinem et disciplinam iam
antea minuebamus, post vero Sullae victoriam peni-
tus amisimus ; desitum est enim videri quicquam in
socios iniquum, cum exstitisset in cives tanta crudeU-
tas. Ergo in illo secuta est honestam causam non
honesta victoria ; est enim ausus dicere, hasta posita
cum bona in foro venderet et bonorum virorum
et locupletium et certe civium^ "praedam se suam
194
BOOK II. vii-viii
trius and march over as one man to Pyrrhus ? And
again, when the Spartans exercised their supremacy
tyrannically^ did not practically all the allies desert
them and view their disaster at Leuctra^ as idle
spectators ?
VIII. I prefer in this connection to draw my The oid
illustrations from foreign history rather than from ne^w"despotism. '
our own. Let me add, however, that as long as the
empire of the Roman People maintained itself by
acts of service, not of oppression, wars were waged
in the interest of our alhes or to safeguard our
supremacy ; the end of our wars was marked by acts
of clemency or by only a necessary degree of severity ;
the senate was a haven of refuge for kings, tribes,
27 and nations; and the highest ambition of our magis-
trates and generals was to defend our provinces and
27) alUes with justice and honour. And so our govern-
ment could be called more accurately a protectorate
of the world than a dominion.
This policy and practice we had begun gradually
to modify even before Sulla's time; but since his
victory we have departed from it altogether. For
the time had gone by when any oppression of the
allies could appear wrong, seeing that atrocities so
outrageous were committed against Roman citizens.
In Sulla's case, therefore, an unrighteous victory
disgraced a righteous cause. For when he had
planted his spear^ and vvas selling under the hammer
in the forum the property of men who were patriots
and men of wealth and, at least, Roman citizens, he
had the effrontery to announce tliat he was selling
'The Romans were accustomed to set up a spear as a
sign of an auction-sale — a symbol derivcd from the sale of
booty taken in war.
o2 1 95
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
vendere." Secutus est, qui in causa impia, victoria
etiam foediore non singulorum civium bona publica-
ret, sed universas provincias regionesque uno calami-
tatis iure comprehenderet.
28 Itaque vexatis ac perditis exteris nationibus ad
exemplum amissi imperii portari in triumpho Massi-
Ham vidimus et ex ea urbe triumphari, sine qua num-
quam nostri imperatores ex Transalpinis belHs
triumpharunt. Multa praeterea commemorarem ne-
faria in socios, si hoc uno quicquam sol vidisset
indignius. lure igitur plectimur. Nisi enim multo-
rum impunita scelera tuHssemus, numquam ad unum
tanta pervenisset Hcentia ; a quo quidem rei famiH-
aris ad paucos, cupiditatum ad multos improbos
29 venit hereditas. Nec vero umquam bellorum civiHum
semen et causa deerit, dum homines perditi hastam
illam cruentam et meminerint et sperabunt ; quam
R^ Sulla cum vibrasset dictatore propinquo suo,
idem sexto tricesimo anno post a sceleratiore hasta
non recessit ; alter autem, qui in illa dictatura scriba
fuerat, in hac fuit quaestor urbanus. Ex quo debet
iiitellegi taHbus praemiis propositis numquam de-
futura bella civilia.
Itaque parietes modo urbis stant et manent, iique
ipsi iam extrema scelera metuentes, rem vero pubH-
cam penitus amisimus. Atque in has clades incidimus
(redeundum est enim ad propositum), dum metui
' P. c, Edd, ; Z. B H a b.
^96
BOOK II. viii
his spoils." After him came one who, in an unholy
cause, made an even more shameful use of victory;
for he did not stop at confiscating the property of
individual citizens, but actually embraced whole
provinces and countries in one common ban of ruin.
28 And so, when foreign nations had been oppressed
and ruined, we have seen a model of Marseilles carried
in a triumphal procession, to serve as proof to the world
that the supremacy of the people had been forfeited ;
and that triumph we saw celebrated over a city with-
out whose help our generals have never gained a
triumph for their wars beyond the Alps. I might
mention many other outrages against our allies, if
the sun had ever beheld anything more infamous
than this particular one. Justly, therefore, are The wages of
we being punished. For if we had not allowed the ^^^^'"^ °^ ^°'^'"
crimes of many to go unpunished, so great licence
would never have centred in one individual. His
estate descended by inheritance to but a few indi-
29 viduals, his ambitions to many scoundrels. And
never will the seed and occasion of civil war be
wanting, so long as villains remember that blood-
stained spear and hope to see anotlier. As Pubhus
Sulla wielded that spear, when his kinsman was
dictator, so again thirty-six years later he did not
shrink from a still more criminal spear. And still an-
other SuIIa, who was a mere clerk under the former
dictatorship, was under the later one a city quaestor.
From this, one would realize that, if such rewards are
offered, civil wars will never cease to be.
And so in Rome only the walls of her houses remain
standing — and even they wait now in fear of the
most unspeakable crimes — but our republic we have
lost for ever. But to return to my subject: it is
197
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
quam cari esse et diligi malumus. Quae si populo
Romano iniuste imperanti accidere potuerunt, quid
debent putare singuli ? Quod cum perspicuum sit,
benivolentiae vim esse magnam, metus imbecillam,
sequitur, ut dissei*amus, quibus rebus facillime possi-
mus eam, quam volumus, adipisci cum honore et fide
caritatem.
50 Sed ea non pariter omnes egemus; nam ad cuius-
que vitam institutam accommodandum est, a multisne
opus sit an satis sit a paucis diligi. Certum igitur
hoc sit, idque et primum et maxime necessarium,
familiaritates habere fidas amantium nos amicorum
et nostra mirantium ; haec enim una res prorsus, ut
non multum differat inter summos et mediocris viros,
aeque^ utrisque est propemodum comparanda.
51 Honore et gloria et benivolentia civium fortasse
non aeque omnes egent, sed tamen, si cui haec sup-
petunt, adiuvant aliquantum cum ad cetera, tum ad
amicitias comparandas.
IX. Sed de amicitia alio libro dictum est, qui in-
scribitur Laelius ; nunc dicamus de gloria, quamquam
ea quoque de re duo sunt nostri libri, sed attingamus,
quandoquidem ea in rebus maioribus administrandis
adiuvat plui*imum.
Summa igitur et perfecta gloria constat ex tribus
* enim una Baiter ; entm est una MSS.
* aeque Lund ; eaque MSS.
198
BOOK II. viii-ix
while we have preferred to be the object of fear
rather than of love and affection, that all these mis-
fortunes have fallen upon us. And if such retribution
could overtake the Roman People for their injustice
and tyranny, what ought private individuals to ex-
pect? And since it is manifest that the power of
good-will is so great and that of fear is so weak, it
remains for us to discuss by what means we can most
readily win the afFection, linked with honour and
confidence, which we desire.
But we do not all feel this need to the same The acquisitioi
extent ; for it must be determined in conformitj ° "^° *'
with each individuaVs vocation in hfe whether it is
essential for him to have the affection of many or
whether the love of a few will suffice. Let this then
be settled as the first and absohite essential — that
we have the devotion of friends, affectionate and
loving, who value our worth. For in just this one
point there is but Uttle difference between the
greatest and the ordinary man ; and friendship is to
be cultivated almost equally by both.
All men do not, perhaps, stand equally in need of
political honour, fame, and the good-will of their
fellow-citizens ; nevertheless, if these honours come
to a man, they help in many ways, and especially in
the acquisition of friends.
IX. But friendship has been discussed in another
book of mine, entitled Laehus." Let us now take The
up the discussion of Glory, although I have published o"|ior™^°*
two books^ on that subject also. Still, let us touch
briefly on it here, since it is of very great help in
the conduct of more important business.
The highest, truest glory depends upon the fol-
' Now lost, thongh they were still known to Petrarch.
199
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
his : si diligit multitudo, si fidem habet, si cum ad-
miratione quadam honore dignos putat. Haec
autem^ si est simpliciter breviterque dicendum,
quibus rebus pai*iuntur a singuhs, eisdem fere a mul-
titudine. Sed est alius quoque quidam aditus ad
multitudinem, ut in universorum animos tamquam
influere possimus.
32 Ac primum de illis tribus, quae ante dixi, benivo-
lentiae praecepta videamus; quae quidem capitur
beneficiis maxime, secundo autem loco voluntate
benefica benivolentia movetur, etiamsi res forte non
suppetit ; vehementer autem amor multitudinis com-
movetur ipsa fama et opinione hberalitatis, benefi-
centiaCj iustitiae, fidei omniumque earum virtutum,
quae pertinent ad mansuetudinem morum ac facih-
tatem. Etenim illud ipsum, quod honestum deco-
rumque dicimus, quia per se nobis placet animosque
omnium natura et specie sua commovet maximeque
quasi perlucet ex iis, quas commemoravi, virtutibus,
idcirco illos, in quibus eas virtutes esse remur, a
natura ipsa diligere cogimur. Atque hae quidem
causae dihgendi gravissimae ; possunt enim praeterea
non nullae esse leviores.
33 Fides autem ut habeatur, duabus rebus effici
potest, si existimabimur adepti coniunctam cum
iustitia prudentiam. Nam et iis fidem habemus,
200
BOOK II. ix
lowing three things : the afFectionj the confidence,
and the mingled admiration and esteem of the
people. Such sentiments, if I may speak plainly and
concisely, are awakened in the masses in the same
way as in individuals. But there is also another how to gain
avenue of approach to the masses, by which we can, P°P"ianty:
as it were, steal into the hearts of all at once.
But of the three above-named requisites, let us (i) through
look first at good-will and the rules for securing it. ^°° "^' '
Good-will is won principally through kind services^;
next to that, it is eHcited by the will to do a kind
service, even though nothing happen to come of it.
Then, too, the love of people generally is powerfully
attracted by a man's mere name and reputation for
generosity, kindness, justice, honour, and all those
virtues that belong to gejitleness of character and
afFabihty of manner. And because that very quahty
which we term moral goodness and propriety is
pleasing to us by and of itself and touches all our
hearts both by its inward essence and its outward
aspect and shines forth with most lustre through
those virtues named above, we are, therefore, com-
pelled by Nature herself to love those in whom we
believe those virtues to reside. Now these are only
the most powerful motives to love — not all of them ;
there may be some minor ones besides.
Secondly, the command of confidence can be (2) through
secured on two conditions: (l) if people think us '^°'^*^^°'^^'
possessed of practical wisdom combined with a sense
of justice. For we have confidence in those who we
think have more understanding than ourselves, who,
' Cicero means by "kind services" the services of the
lawyer; he was forbidden by law to accept a fee; his
services, if hc contributed them, vvere " acfls of kindness."
201
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
quos plus intellegere quam nos arbitramur quosque
et futura prospicere credimus et, cum res agatur in
discrimenque ventum sit, expedire rem et consilium
ex tempore capere posse ; hanc enim utilem homines
existimant veramque prudentiam. lustis autem et
fidis^ hominibus, id est bonis viris, ita fides habetur,
ut nulla sit in iis^ fraudis iniuriaeque suspicio.
Itaque his salutem nostram, his fortunas, his liberos
rectissime committi arbitramur.
34 Harum igitur duarum ad fidem faciendam iustitia
plus pollet, quippe cum ea sine prudentia satis habeat
auctoritatis, prudentia sine iustitia nihil valet ad
faciendam fidem. Quo enim quis versutior et calli-
dior, hoc invisior et suspectior est detracta opinione
probitatis. Quam ob rem intellegentiae iustitia
coniuncta, quantum volet, habebit ad faciendam
fidem virium ; iustitia sine prudentia multum poterit,
sine iustitia nihil valebit prudentia.
35 X. Sed ne quis sit admiratus, cur, cum inter
omnes philosophos constet a meque ipso saepe dis-
putatum sit, qui unam haberet, omnes habere vir-
tutes, nunc ita seiungam, quasi possit quisquam, qui
non idem prudens sit, iustus esse, alia est illa, cum
veritas Ipsa limatur in disputatione, subtilitas, aha,
cum ad opinionem communem omnis accommodatur
^etfidis MSS.; del. Facciolati, Pearce ; {et fidis\ Bt., Ed.
"^iis B ; his H a b ; hijs c.
202
BOOK II. ix-x
we believe, have better insight into the future, and
who^ when an emergency arises and a crisis comes, can
clear away the difficulties and reach a safe decision
according to the exigencies of the occasion ; for that
kind of wisdom the world accounts genuine and
practical. But (2) confidence is reposed in men
who are just and true — that is, good men — on
the definite assumption that their characters admit
of no suspicion of dishonesty or wrong-doing. And
so we beheve that it is perfectly safe to entrust
our lives, our fortunes, and our children to their
care.
Of these two qualities, then, justice hasthe greater Justice
power to inspire confidence; for even without the wisdom;
aid of wisdom, it has considerable weight; but
wisdom without justice is of no avail to inspire
confidence; for take from a man his reputation for
probity, and the more shrewd and clever he is, the
more hated and mistrusted he becomes. Therefore,
justice combined with practical wisdom will command
all the confidence we can desire; justice without
wisdom will be able to do much ; wisdom without
justice will be of no avail at all.
X. But I am afraid some one may wonder why I am
now separating the virtues — as if it were possible for
anyone to be just who is not at the same time wise ;
for it is agreed upon among all philosophers, and
I myself have often argued, that he who has one
virtue has them all. The explanation of my appa-
rent inconsistency is that the precision of speech we
employ, when abstract truth is critically investigated
in philosophic discussion, is one thing; and that
employed, when we are adapting our language
entirely to popular thinking, is another. And there-
203
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
oratio. Quam ob rem, ut volgus, ita nos lioc loco
loquimur, ut alios fortes, alios viros bonos, alios pru-
dentes esse dicamus; popularibus enim verbis est
agendum et usitatis, cum loquimur^ de opinione
populari, idque eodem modo fecit Panaetius. Sed ad
propositum revertamur.
36 Erat igitur ex iis^ tribus, quae ad gloriam perti-
nerent, hoc tertium, ut cum admiratione hominum
honore ab iis' digni iudicaremur. Admirantur igitur
communiter illi quidem omnia, quae magna et praeter
opinionem suam animadverterunt, separatim autem,
in singulis si perspiciunt necopinata quaedam bona.
Itaque eos viros suspiciunt maximisque efferunt laudi-
bus, in quibus existimant se excellentes quasdam et
singulares perspicere virtutes, despiciunt autem eos et
contemnunt, in quibus nihil virtutis, nihil animi, nihil
nervorum putant. Non enim omnes eos contemnunt,
de quibus male existimant. Nam quos improbos, male-
dicos, fraudulentos putant et ad faciendam iniuriam
instructos, eos haud contemnunt quidem,^ sed de iis^
male existimant. Quam ob rem, ut ante dixi, conte-
mnuntur ii,^ qui nec sibi nec alteri," ut dicitur, in
quibus nullus labor, nulla industria, nulla cura est.
S7 Admiratione autem afficiuntur ii, qui anteire
ceteris virtute putantur et cum omni carere dedecore,
tum vero iis vitiis, quibus alii non facile possunt
obsistere. Nam et vohiptates, blandissimae dominae,
maioris partis animos' a virtute detorquent et, dolo-
rum cum admoventur faces, praeter modum plerique
exterrentur; vita mors, divitiae paupertas omnes
^ loqutmur B ; loquamur H a b ; loquemur c.
"^iis Bl. ; his H H ; hijs c ; not in a b.
'^iis Bt. ; his B H a b ; hijs c.
*haud contemnunt quidcm b, Bt.' ; contemnunt quidem
204
BOOK 11. X
fore I am speaking here in the popular sense, when
I call some men brave, others good, and still others
wise ; for in dealing with popular conceptions we
must employ familiar words in their common accepta-
tion ; and this was the practice of Panaetius likewise.
But let us return to the subject.
The third, then, of the three conditions I named (3) through
as essential to glory is that we be accounted worthy admi^Uon,
of the esteem and admiration of our fellow-men.
While people admire in general everything that is
great or better than they expect, they admire in par-
ticular the good qualities that they find unexpectedly
in individuals. And so they reverence and extol
with the highest praises those men in whom they
see certain pre-eminent and extraordinary talents;
and they look down with contempt upon those who
they think have no abihty, no spirit, no energy. For
they do not despise all those of whom they think ill.
For some men they consider unscrupulous, slander-
ous, fraudulent, and dangerous; they do not despise
them, it may be ; but they do think ill of them.
And therefore, as I said before, those are despised
who are of no use to themselves or their neigh-
bours," as the saj-ing is, who are idle, lazy, and
indifFerent.
On the other hand, those are regarded with ad-
miration who are thought to excel others in abihty
and to be free from all dishonour and also from
those vices which others do not easily resist. For
sensual pleasure, a most seductive mistress, turns the
hearts of the greater part of humanity away from
virtue ; and when the fiery trial of affliction draws
near, most people are terrified beyond measure.
Life and death, -«'ealth and want afFect all wen most
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homines vehementissime permovent. Quae qui in
utramque partem excelso animo magnoque despici-
unt, cumque aliqua iis ampla et honesta res obiecta
est, totos ad se convertit et rapit, tum quis non ad-
miretur splendorem pulchritudinemque virtutis ?
38 XI. Ergo et haec animi despicientia admirabihta-
tem magnam facit et maxime iustitia, ex qua una
virtute viri boni appellantur, mirifica quaedam mul-
titudini videtur, nec iniuria ; nemo enim iustus esse
potest, qui mortem, qui dolorem, qui exsihum, qui
egestatem timet, aut qui ea, quae sunt his contraria,
aequitati anteponit. Maximeque admirantur eum,
qui pecunia non movetur; quod in quo viro perspe-
ctum sit, hunc igni spectatum arbitrantur.
Itaque illa tria, quae proposita sunt ad gloriam,
omnia iustitia conficit, et benivolentiam, quod prod-
esse vult plurimis, et ob eandem causam fidem et
admirationem, quod eas res spernit et neglegit, ad
quas plerique inflammati aviditate rapiuntur.
39 Ac mea quidem sententia omnis ratio atque insti-
tutio vitae adiumenta hominum desiderat, in primis-
que ut habeat, quibuscum possit famihares conferre
sermones; quod est difficile, nisi speciem prae te
boni viri feras. Ergo etiam sohtario homini atque in
agro vitam agenti opinio iustitiae necessaria est,
eoque etiam magis, quod, eam si non habebunt,
[iniusti habebuntur,]' nulhs praesidiis saepti multis
^iniusii habebuniurli H b; bracketed by Facciolati, Edd.
nautiquam B H a p, Bt.', Heine ; contemnunt quidem nequa-
quam c ; non contemnunt quidem Madvig, Miiller.
* iis B, Edd. ; his H a b ; hijs c.
«M B b ; hii H ; hi a.; hij c. So § 37.
^maioris partis animos c, Edd.; maiores partis aniini B;
maiores partes animi H a b.
206
BOOK II. x-xi
powerfully. But when men, with a spirit great and
exalted, can look down upon sueh outward circum-
stances, whether prosperous or adverse, and when
some noble and virtuous purpose, presented to their
minds, converts them wholly to itself and carries
them away in its pursuit, Avho then could fail to
admire in them the splendour and beauty of virtue ?
XI. As, then, this superiority of mind to such Justicdsthe
externals inspires great admiration, so justice, popuTarlty"
above all, on the basis of which alone men are called
good men," seems to people generally a quite mar-
vellous virtue — and not without good reason ; for no
one can be just who fears death or pain or exile or
poverty, or who values their opposites above equity.
And people admire especially the man who is unin-
fluenced by money ; and if a man has proved himself
in this direction, they think him tried as by fire.
Those three requisites, therefore, which were pre-
supposed as the means of obtaining glory, are all
secured by justice: (l) good-will, for it seeks to be
of help to the greatest number ; (2) confidence, for
tlie same reason; and (s) admiration, because it
scorns and cares nothing for those things, with a
consuming passion for which most people are carried
away.
Now, in my opinion at least, every walk and
vocation in life calls for human co-operation — first
and above all, in order that one may have friends
with whom to enjoy social intercourse. And this is
not easy, unless one is looked upon as a good man.
So, even to a man who shuns society and to one who
spends his life in the country a reputation for justice
is essential — even more so than to others ; for they
■who do not have it [but are considered unjust] will
■207
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
1.96 40 afficientur iniuriis. Atque iis^ etiam, qui vendunt
emunt, conducunt locant contrahendisque negotiis
implicantur, iustitia ad rem gerendam necessaria est,
cuius tanta vis est, ut ne illi quidem, qui maleficio
et scelere pascuntur, possint sine ulla particula
iustitiae vivere. Nam qui eorum cuipiam, qui una
latrocinantur, furatur aliquid aut eripit, is sibi ne in
latrocinio quidem relinquit locum, ille autem, qui
archipirata dicitur, nisi aequabiliter praedam disper-
ti.it, aut interficiatur a sociis aut relinquatur; quin
etiam leges latronum esse dicuntur, quibus pareant,
quas observent. Itaque propter aequabilem praedae
partitionem et Barduhs Illj^rius latro, de quo est
apud Theopompum, magnas opes habuit et multo
maiores Viriathus Lusitanus; cui quidem etiam
exercitus nostri imperatoresque cesserunt; quem C.
Laelius, is qui Sapiens usui*patur, praetor fregit et
comminuit ferocitatemque eius it£ 1'epressit, ut facile
bellum reliquis traderet.
Cum igitur tanta vis iustitiae sit, ut ea etiam latro-
num opes firmet atque augeat, quantam eius vim
inter leges et iudicia et in constituta re publica fore
putamus ?
41 XII. Mihi quidem non apud Medos solum, ut ait
Herodotus, sed etiam apud maiores nostros iustitiae
fruendae causa videntur olim bene morati reges con-
stituti. Nam cum premeretur inops ^ multitudo ab
iis, qui maiores opes habebant, ad unum aliquem
^iis Edd. ; his B H a b, not in c.
^inops inferior MSS. , Edd.; in otio (i.e. "at vviU") B H
a b p ; inicio (= iniiio) c.
208
BOOK II. xi-xii
have no defence to protect them and so will be
40 the victims of many kinds of wrong. So also to
buyers and sellers, to employers and employed, and
to those who are engaged in commercial dealings
generally, justice is indispensable for the conduct of
business. Its importance is so great, that not even Honouramong
those who live by wickedness and crime can get on *^'^^*s
without some small element of justice. For if a rob-
ber takes anything by force or by fraud from another
member of the gang, he loses his standing even in a
band of robbers ; and if the one called the Pirate
Captain" should not divide the plunder impartially,
he would be either deserted or murdered by his
comrades. Why, they say that robbers even have a
code of laws to observe and obey. And so, because
of his impartial division of booty, Bardulis, the Illyr-
ian bandit, of whom we read in Theopompus,
aequired great power, Viriathus, of Lusitania, much
greater. He actually defied even our armies and
generals. But Gaius Laelius — the one surnamed
the Wise" — in his praetorship crushed his power,
reduced him to terms, and so checked his intrepid
daring, that he left to his successors an easy conquest.
Since, therefore, the efficacy of justice is so great
that it strengthens and augments the power even of
robbers, how great do we think its power will be in
a constitutional government with its laws and courts ?
41 XII. Now it seems to me, at least, that not only Kingschosen
among the Medes, as Herodotus tells us, but also justke.^^''* °*
among our own ancestors, men of high moral char-
acter were made kings in order that the people
might enjoy justice. For, as the masses in their
helplessness were oppressed by the strong, they
appealed for protection to some one man who wa'
p 209
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
confugiebant virtute praestantem; qui cum prohi-
beret iniuria tenuiores^ aequitate constituenda sum-
mos cum infimis ' pari iure retinebat.^ Eademque
42 constituendarum legum fuit causa, quae regum. lus
enim semper est quaesitum aequabile ; neque enim
aliter esset ius. Id si ab uno iusto et bono viro con-
sequebanturj erant eo contenti; cum id minus con-
tingeret, leges sunt inventae, quae cum omnibus
semper una atque eadem voce loquerentur.
Ergo hoc quidem perspicuum est, eos ad imperan-
dum deligi sohtos, quorum de iustitia magna esset
opinio multitudinis. Adiuncto vero, ut idem etiam
prudentes haberentur, niliil erat, quod homines iis
auctoribus non posse consequi se arbitrarentur. Omni
igitur ratione colenda et retinenda iustitia est cum
ipsa per sese (nam aliter iustitia non esset), tum
propter amplificationem honoris et gloriae.
Sed ut pecuniae non quaercndae solum ratio est,
verum etiam collocandae, quae perpetuos sumptus
suppeditet, nec solum necessarios, sed etiam liberales,
sic gloria et quaerenda et coUocanda ratione est.
43 Quamquam praeclare Socrates hanc viam ad gloriam
proximam et quasi compendiariam dicebat esse, si
quis id ageret, ut, quahs haberi vellet, taHs esset.
Quodsi qui simulatione et inani ostentatione et ficto
non modo sermone, sed etiam voltu stabilem se
gloriam consequi posse rentur, vehementer errant.
* infimis c, Edd. ; infirmis B a b ; infirmos H.
• retinebat c, Edd. ; pertinebat B H a p ; pertinebant b.
210
BOOK II. xii
conspicuous for his virtue; and as he shielded the
weaker classes from wrong, he managed by establish-
ing equitable conditions to hold the higher and the
lower classes in an equality of right. The reason for
making constitutional laws was the same as that for
t2 making kings. For what people have always sought
is equality of rights before the law. For rights that
were not open to all aUke would be no rights. If
the people secured their end at the hands of one
just and good man, they were satisfied with that;
but when such was not their good fortune, laws were
invented, to speak to all men at all times in one and
the same voice.
This, then, is obvious : nations used to select for
their rulers those men whose reputation for justice
was high in the eyes of the people. If in addition
they Were also thought wise, there was nothing that
men did not think they could secure under such
leadership. Justice is, therefore, in every way to be
cultivated and maintained, both for its own sake (for
otherwise it would not be justice) andforthe enhance-
ment of personal honour and glory.
But as there is a method not only of acquiring
money but also of investing it so as to yield an in-
come to meet our continuously recurring expenses — -
both for the necessities and for the more refined
comforts of Ufe — so there must be a method of gain-
ing glory and turning it to account. And yet, as
iS Socrates used to express it so admirably, 'the near- xhewayto
est way to glory — a short-cut, as it were — is to strive ^^°^^ '* Justwa
to be what you wish to be thought to be." For if
anyone thinks that he can win lasting glory by
pretence, by empty show, by hypocritical talk and
looks, he is very much mistaken. True glory strikes
p2 2H
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
Vera gloria radices agit atque etiam propagatur, ficta
omnia celeriter tamquam flosculi decidunt, nec simu-
latum potest quicquam esse diuturnum Testes sunt
permulti in utramque partem, sed brevitatis causa
familia contenti erimus una. Ti. enim Gracchus P.
f. tam diu laudabitur, dum memoria rerum Roma-
narum manebit; at eius filii nec vivi probabantur
bonis et mortui numerum optinent iure caesorum.
XIII. Qui igitur adipisci veram gloriam^ volet,
iustitiae fungatur officiis. Ea quae essent, dictum
I, «0-4» gg|. jj^ ixbro superiore.
44 (XIII.) Sed ut facillime, quales simus, tales esse
videamur, etsi in eo ipso vis maxima est, ut sin is ii,
qui haberi velimus, tamen quaedam praecepta danda
sunt. Nam si quis ab ineunte aetate habet causan
celebritatis et nominis aut a patre acceptam, quod
tibi, mi Cicero, arbitror contigisse, aut aliquo casu
atque fortuna, in hunc oculi omnium coniciuntur
atque in eum, quid agat, quem ad modum vivat, in-
quiritur et, tamquam in clarissima luce versetur, ita
nullum obscurum potest nec dictum eius esse nec
45 factum. Quorum autem prima aetas propter humili-
tatem et obscuritatem in hominum ignoratione ver-
satur, ii,' simul ac iuvenes esse coeperunt, magna
spectare et ad ea rectis studiis debent contendere ;
^ veram gloriam Edd.; veram iustitiae gloriam MSSi
"iV B, Edd. ; hi H ; iis b; hij c\ his a.
BOOK II. xii-xiii
deep root and spreads its branches wide; but all
pretences soon fall to the ground like fragile
flowers, and nothing counterfeit can be lasting.
There are very many witnesses to both facts;
but for brevity's sake, I shall confine myself to one
family: Tiberius Gracchus, Publius's son, will be
held in honour as long as the memory of Rome
shall endure; but his sons were not apprpved by
patriots while they Hved, and since they are dead
they are numbered among those whose murder was
justifiable.
XIII. If, therefore, anyone wishes to win true Ways of winnJn(
glory, let him discharge the duties required by jus- * ^°° °*™*"
tice. And what they are has been set forth in the
course of the preceding book.
I-^ (XIII.) But although the very essence of the
problem is that we actually be what we wish to be
thought to be, still some rules may be laid down to
enable us most easily to secure the reputation of being
what we are. For if anyone in his early youth has
the responsibihty of Uving up to a distinguished name
acquired either by inheritance from his father (as, I
think, my dear Cicero, is your good fortune) or by
some chance or happy combination of circumstances,
the eyes of the world are turned upon him ; his lifr
and character are scrutinized ; and, as if he move(
in a blaze of light, not a word and not a deed of his
45 can be kept a secret. Those, on the other hand,
whose humble and obscure origin has kept them un-
known to the world in their early years ought, as
soon as they approach young manhood, to set a high
ideal before their eyes and to strive with unswerv-
ing zeal towards its realization. This they will
do with the better heart, because that time of Ufe is
213
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quod eo firmiore animo facient, quia non modo non
invidetur illi aetati, verum etiam favetur.
Prima igitur est adulescenti commendatio ad
gloriam, si qua ex bellicis rebus comparari potest, in
qua multi apud maiores nostros exstiterunt ; semper
enim fere bella gerebantur. Tua autem aetas incidit
in id bellum, cuius altera pars sceleris nimium habuit,
altera felicitatis parum. Quo tamen in bello cum te
Pompeius alae [alteri] ' praefecisset, magnam laudem
et a summo viro et ab exercitu consequebare equi-
tando, iaculando, omni militari labore tolerando.
Atque ea quidem tua laus pariter cum re publica
cecidit.
Mihi autem haec oratio suscepta non de te est, sed
de gcnere toto ; quam ob rem pergamus ad ea, quae
restant.
46 Ut igitur in reliquis rebus multo maiora opera sunt
animi quam corporis, sic eae rcs, quas ingenio ac
ratione persequimur, gratiores sunt quam illae, quas
viribus. Prima igitur commendatio proficiscitur a
modestia cum^ pietate in parentes, in suos benivo-
lentia. FacilHme autem et in optimam partem
cognoscuntur ad«lescentes, qui se ad claros et sapi-
entes viros bene consulentes rei publicae contule-
runt; quibuscum si frequentes sunt, opinionem
afferunt populo eorum fore se similes, quos sibi ipsi
^alteri MSS.; om. Graevius, Edd,
'^cum Victorius, Edd.; tutn MSS.
214
BOOK II. xiii
accustomed to find favour rather than to meet with
opposition.
Well, then, the first thing to recommend to a young (i) by a miutary
man in his quest for glory is that he try to win it, if <^*'^®^''«
he can, in a military career. Among our forefathers
many distinguished themselves as soldiers; for war-
fare was almost continuous then. The period of your
own youth, however, has coincided with that war in
which the one side was too prolific in crime, the
other in failure. And yet, when Pompey placed you
in command of a cavalry squadron in this war, you
won the applause of that great man and of the army
for your skill in riding and spear-throwing and for
endurance of all the hardships of the soldier's life.
But that credit accorded to you came to nothing
along with the fall of the repubhc.
The subject of this discussion, however, is not
your personal history, but the general theme. Let
us, therefore, proceed to the sequel.
As, then, in everything else brain-work is far (2) by personal
more important than mere hand-work, so those
objects which we strive to attain through intellect
and reason gain for us a higher degree of gratitude
than those which we strive to gain by physical
strength. The best recommendation, then, that a
young man can have to popular esteem proceeds from
self-restraint, filial affection, and devotion to kinsfolk.
Next to that, young men win recognition most easily (3) by associatioi
and most favourably, if they attach themselves to *'* ^ ^ ^^^^^'
men who are at once wise and renowned as well as
patriotic counsellors in pubHc affairs. And if they
associate constantly with such men, they inspire in
the public the expectation that they will be like
them, seeing that they have themselves selected them
215
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47 delegerint ad imitandum. P. Rutili adulescentiam ad
opinionem et innocentiae et iuris scientiae P. Muci com-
mendavit domus. Nam L. quidem Crassus, cum esset
admodum adulescens, non aliunde mutuatus est, sed
sibi ipse peperit maximam laudem ex illa accusatione
nobili et gloriosa, et, qua^ aetate qui exercentur, laude
affici solent, ut de Demosthene accepimus, ea aetate
L. Crassus ostendit id se in foro optime iam facere,
quod etiam tum poterat domi cum laude meditari.
48 XIV. Sed cum duplex ratio sit orationis, quarum
in altera sermo sit, in altera contentio, non est id
quidem dubium, quin contentio [orationis] '^ maiorem
vim habeat ad gloriam (ea est enim, quam eloquen-
tiam dicimus); sed tamen difficile dictu est, quanto-
pere conciliet animos comitas affabilitasque sermonis.
Exstant epistulae et Philippi ad Alexandrum et
Antipatri ad Cassandrum et Antigoni ad Phihppum
filium, trium prudentissimorum (sic enim accepimus) ;
quibus praecipiunt, ut oratione benigna multitudinis
animos ad benivolentiam alHciant mihtesque blande
appellando [sermone]^ dehniant. Quae autem in
multitudine cum contentione habetur oratio, ea
saepe universam excitat [gloriam] * ; magna est enim
admiratio copiose sapienterque dicentis; quem qui
audiunt, intellegere etiam et sapere plus quam cete-
' et, qua Mamitius, Edd. ; ex qua MSS. ^ orationis MSS.,
Ed.; bracketed by Fleckeisen, Bt.'^, Miiller, Heine.
' blande appellando sermone a c, Edd. ; blando appellando
sermone 15 H b; blande appellando Gulielmus (with three
inferior MSS.), Bt., Heine; [sermone] Ed. * excitat
gloriam MSS. ; excitat \gloriam\ VA.', excitat Lang-e.
• At the age of 21 Crassus conducted the case ag-ainst
Gaius Papirius Carbo, a former supporter of the Gracchi.
The prosecution was so ably conducted that Carbo com-
mitted suicide to escape certain concJcmnation.
216
BOOK II. xiii-xiv
tbr Imitation. His frequent visits to the home of
Publiuc. Mucius assisted young Publius Rutilius to
gain a reputation for integrity of character and for
ability as a jurisconsult. Not so, however, Lucius
Crassus ; for though he was a mere boy, he looked to
no one else for assistance, but by his own unaided
ability he won for himself in that brilHant and
famous prosecution* a splendid reputation as an
orator. And at an age when young men are ac-
customed with their school exercises to win applause
as students of oratory, this Roman Demosthenes,
Lucius Crassus, was ah'eady proving himself in the
law-courts a master of the art which he might even
then have been studying at home with credit to
himself.
XIV. But as the classification of discourse is a two- (4)byeloquence.
fold one — conversation, on the one side ; oratory, on
the other — there can be no doubt that of the two
this debating power (for that is what we mean by
sloquence) counts for more toward the attainment of
glory ; and yet, it is not easy to say how far an afFable
and courteous manner in conversation may go toward
winning the affections. We have, for instance, the
letters of PhiHp to Alexander, of Antipater to Cas-
sander, and of Antigonus to Phihp the Younger.
The authors of these letters were, as we are in-
formed, three of the wisest men in history ; and in
them they instruct their sons to woo the hearts of
the populace to affection by words of kindness and
to keep their soldiers loyal by a winning address.
But the speech that is dehvered in a debate before
an assembly often stirs the hearts of thousands at
once ; for the eloquent and judicious speaker is re-
ceived with high admiration, and his hearers think
217
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
ros arbitrantur. Si vero inest in oratione mixta mo-
destia gravitas, nihil admirabilius fieri potest, eoque
magis, si ea sunt in adulescente.
4*) Sed cum sint plura causarum genera, quae elo-
quentiam desiderent, multique in nostra re publica
adulescentes et apud iudices et apud populum^ et
apud senatum dicendo laudem assecuti sint, maxima
est admiratio in iudiciis.
Quorum ratio duplex est. Nam ex accusatione et
ex defensione constat; quarum etsi laudabilior est
defensio, tamen etiam accusatio probata persaept
est. Dixi paulo ante de Crasso; idem fecit adule-
scens M. Antonius. Etiam P. Sulpici eloquentiam
accusatio illustravit, cum seditiosum et inutilem
50 civem, C. Norbanum, in iudicium vocavit. Sed hoc
quidem non est saepe faciendum nec umquam nisi
aut rei publicae causa, ut ii, quos ante dixi, aut
ulciscendi, ut duo Luculli, aut patrocinii, ut nos pro
Siculis, pro Sardis in Albucio luHus. In accusando
etiam M'. Aquilio L. Fufi cognita industria est.
Semel igitur aut non saepe certe. Sin erit, cui
faciendum sit saepius, rei publicae tribuat hoc mu-
neris, cuius inimicos ulcisci saepius non est repre-
^ et apudpopulum c, Edd.; not in B H a b.
218
BOOK II. xiv
him understanding and wise beyond all others. And
if his speech have also dignity combined with mode-
ration, he will be admired beyond all measure,
especially if these quahties are found in a young man.
+9 But while there are occasions of many kinds that
call for eloquence, and while many young men in
our republic have obtained distinction by their
speeches in the courts, in the popular assembhes,
and in the senate, yet it is the speeches before our
courts that excite the highest admiration.
The classification of forensic speeches also is a Prosecution
twofold one : they are divided into arguments for jefence.
the prosccution and arguments for the defence. And
while the side of the defence is more honourable,
still that of the prosecution also has very often
estabhshed a reputation. I spoke of Crassus a mo-
ment ago ; Marcus Antonius, when a youth, had the
same success. A prosecution brought the eloquence
of Pubhus Sulpicius into favourable notice, when he
brought an action against Gaius Norbanus, a sedi-
50 tious and dangerous citizen. But this should not be
done often — never, in fact, except in the interest of
the state (as in the cases of those above mentioned)
or to avenge wrongs (as tlie two LuculH, for example,
did) or for the protection of our provincials (as I did
in the defence of the Sicilians, or Julius in the prose-
cution of Albucius in behalf of the Sardinians). The
activity of Lucius Fufius in the impeachment of
Manius Aquihus is hkewise famous. This sort of
work, then, may be done once in a lifetime, or at all
events not often. But if it shall be required of any-
one to conduct more frequent prosecutions, let him
do it as a service to his country ; for it is no disgrace
to be often employed in the prosecution of her
219
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
hendendum ; modus tamen adsit. Duri enim hominis
vel potius vix hominis videtur periculum capitis
inferre multis. Id cum periculosum ipsi est, tum
etiam sordidum ad famam, committere, ut accusator
nominere; quod contigit M. Bruto summo genere
nato, illius filio, qui iuris civilis in primis peritus fuit.
51 Atque etiam hoc praeceptum officii diligenter
tenendum est, ne quem umquam innocentem iudicio
capitis arcessas; id enim sine scelere fieri nullo
pacto potest. Nam quid est tam inhumanum quam
eloquentiam a natura ad salutem hominum et ad
conservationem datam ad bonorum pestem pernici-
emque convertere? Nec tamen, ut hoc fugiendum
est, item est habendum religioni nocentem aliquando,
modo ne nefarium^ impiumque, defendere ; vult hoc
multitudo, patitur consuetudo, fert etiam humanitas.
ludicis est semper in causis verum sequi, patroni non
numquam veri simile, etiamsi minus sit verum,
defendere; quod scribere, praesertim cum de philo-
sophia scriberem, non auderem, nisi idem placeret
gravissimo Stoicorum, Panaetio. Maxime autem et
gloria paritur et gratia defensionibus, eoque maior,
si quando accidit, ut ei subveniatur, qui potentis
ahcuius opibus circumveniri urguerique vidcatur, ut
nos et saepe alias et adulescentes contra L. Sullae
^modo ne nefarium L c, Edd.; modo nefarium Nonius; et
nefarium B H a b.
a A ''capital charge" meant to the Roman a charg-e en-
dangering a person's capuf, or civil status. A conviction
on such a charge resulted in his civil degradation aiid the
loss of his privileg-es as a Roman citizen.
220
BOOK II. xiv
enemies. And yet a limit should be set even to
that. For it requires a heartless man, it seems, or
rather one who is well-nigh inhuman, to be arraign-
ing one person after another on capital charges." It is
not only fraught with danger to the prosecutor him-
self, but is damaging to his reputation, to allow
himself to be called a prosecutor. Such was the
effect of this epithet upon Marcus Brutus, the scion
of a very noble family and the son of that Brutus who
was an eminent authority in the civil law.
Again, the following rule of duty is to be carefiill}' Spare the inno-
observed: never prefer a capital charge against an\ g?inVy.^*° '^
person who may be innocent. For that cannot
possibly be done without making oneself a criminal.
For what is so unnatural as to turn to the ruin and
destruction of good men the eloquence bestowed by
nature for the safety and protection of our fellow-
men? And yet, while we should never prosecute
the innocent, we need not have scruples against
undertaking on occasion the defence of a guilty
person, provided he be not infamously depraved and
wicked. For people expect it ; custom sanctions it ;
humanity also accepts it. It is always the business of
the judge in a trial to find out the truth ; it is some-
times the business of the advocate to maintain what
is plausible, even if it be not strictly true, though I
should not venture to say this, especially in an ethical
treatise, if it were not also the position of Panaetius,
that strictest of Stoics. Then, too, briefs for the de-
fence are most Ukely to bring glory and popularity
to the pleader, and all the more so, if ever it falls to
him to lend his aid to one who seems to be oppressed
and persecuted by the influence of some one in power.
This I have done on many other occasions ; and once
221
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dominantis opes pro Sex. Roscio Amerino fecimus,
quae, ut scis, exstat oratio.
52 XV. Sed expositis adulescentium officiis, quae
valeant ad gloriam adipiscendam, deinceps de bene-
ficentia' ac de liberalitate dicendum est; cuius est
ratio duplex ; nam aut opera benigne fit indigentibus
aut pecunia. Facilior est haec posterior, locupleti
praesertim, sed illa lautior ac splendidior et viro forti
claroque dignior. Quamquam enim in utroque inest
gratificandi liberalis voluntaSj tamen altera ex arca,
altera ex vix-tute depromitur, largitioque, quae fit e>
re familiari, fontem ipsum benignitatis exhaurit. Ita
benignitate benignitas tollitur; qua quo in plures
53 usus sis, eo minus in multos uti possis. At qui opera,
id est virtute et industria, benefici et liberales erunt,
primum, quo pluribus profuerint, eo plures ad benigne
faciendum adiutores habebunt, dein consuetudine
beneficentiae paratiores erunt et tamquam exercita-
tiores ad bene de multis promerendum.
Praeclare in' epistula' quadam Alexandrum fihum
Philippus accusat, quod largitione benivolentiam
Macedonum consectetur : Quae te, nialum ! " inquit,
ratio in istam spem induxit, ut eos tibi fideles pu-
^beneficentia Edd.; beneficientia MSS. (ublque).
'/w B H a b; not in L c p.
'^epistula H, Heine; epistola B L a b C«
?22
BOOK II. xiv-xv
in particular, in my younger days, I defended Sextui
Roscius of Ameria against tlie power of Lucius Sulla
when he was acting the tyrant. The speech is pub-
lished, as you know.
XV. Now that I have set forth the moral duties of Generosity of
a young man, in so far as they may be exerted for *^*° ^
the attainment of glory, I must next in order discuss
kindness and generosity. The manner of showing
it is twofold : kindness is shown to the needy either
by personal service, or by gifts of money. The latter
way is the easier, especially for a ricli man ; but the
former is nobler and more dignified and more be-
coming to a strong and eminent man. For although
both ways ahke betray a generous wish to oblige,
still in the one case the favour makes a draft upon
pne's bank account, in the other upon one's personal
energy; and the bounty wliich is drawn from one's
material substance tends to exhaust the very fountain
of hberaUty. LiberaHty is thus forestalled by Ube-
raHty: for the more people one has helped with
gifts of money, the fewer one can help. But if
people are generous and kind in the way of personal
service — that is, with their abiHty and personal
effbrt — various advantages arise: first, the more
people they assist, the more lielpers they will have
in works of kindness ; and second, by acquiring the
habit of kindness they are better prepared and in
better training, as it were, for bestowing favours
upon many.
In one of his letters PhiHp takes his son Alexander
sharply to task for trying by gifts of money to secure
the good-wiU of the Macedonians: "What in the
mischief induced you to entertain such a hope," he
says, as that those men would be loyal subjects to
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tares fore, quos pecunia corrupisses ? An tu id agis,
ut Macedones non te regem suum, sed ministrum et
praebitorem' sperent fore ? "
Bene ' ministrum et praebitorem," * quia sordidum
regi, melius etiam, quod largitionem corruptelam"
dixit esse; fit enim deterior, qui accipit, atque ad
idem semper exspectandum paratior.
54 Hoc ille filio, sed praeceptum putemus omnibus.
Quam ob rem id quidem non dubium est, quin illa
benignitas, quae constet ex opera et industria, et
honestior sit et latius pateat et possit prodesse pluri-
bus; non numquam tamen est largiendum, nec hoc
benignitatis genus omnino repudiandum est et saepe
idoneis hominibus indigentibus de re familiari imper-
tiendum, sed diligenter atque moderate ; multi enim
patrimonia effuderunt inconsulte largiendo. Quid
autem est stultius quam, quod libenter facias, curare,
ut id diutius facere non possis ? Atque etiam sequun-
tur largitionem rapinae ; cum enim dando egere
coeperunt, alienis bonis manus afferre coguntur. Ita,
cum benivolentiae comparandae causa benefici esse
vehnt, non tanta studia assequuntur eorum, quibus
dederunt, quanta odia eorum, quibus ademerunt.
55 Quam ob rem nec ita claudenda res est familiaris,
ut eam benignitas aperire non possit, nec ita rese-
randa, ut pateat omnibus; modus idhibeatur, isque
^praebitorem B H L b c p; praebito m putafit a.
*sperent . . . praebitorem L c p, Edd not in B H a b.
ajulius Caesar was a strikingf exaniple of this.
bCicero evidently had in mind such instances as Sulla,
Caesar, Antony, and Catiline— o/«V»» appetens, sui pro/usus
(Sall., Cat. V).
224
BOOK II. XV
you whom you had corrupted with money? Or are
you trying to do what you can to lead the Macedo-
nians to expect that you will be not their king but
their steward and purveyor?"
Steward and purveyor" was well said, because
it was degrading for a prince ; better still, when he
called the gift of money corruption." For the
recipient goes from bad to worse and is made all the
more ready to be constantly looking for one bribe
after another.
It was to his son that Philip gave this lesson ; but
let us all take it diligently to heart.
That liberality, therefore, which consists in per-
sonal service and efFort is more honourable, has wider
application, and can benefit more people. There can
benodoubtaboutthat. Nevertheless,weshouldsome- (i)giftsoj
times make gifts of money ; and this kind of liberality ™°°*y'
is not to be discouraged altogether. We must
often distribute from our purse to the worthy poor,
but we must do so with discretion and moderation.
For many* have squandered their patrimony by in-
discriminate giving. But what is worse folly than
to do the thing you like in such a way that you can
no longer do it at all? Then, too, lavish giving
leads to robbery''; for when through over-giving
men begin to be impoverished, they are constrained
to lay their hands on the property of others. And
so, when men aim to be kind for the sake of winning
good-will, the afFection they gain from the objects
of their gifts is not so great as the hatred they incur
from those whom they despoil.
One's purse, then, should not be closed so tightly
that a generous impulse cannot open it, nor yet so
loosely held as to be open to everybody. A limit
9 SS5
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
referatur ad facultates. Omnino meminisse debemus,
id quod a nostris hominibus saepissime usurpatum
iam in proverbii consuetudinem venit, largitionem
fundum non habere"; etenim quis potest modus esse,
cum et idem, qui consuerunt, et idem illud alii
desiderent?
XVI. Omnino duo sunt genera largorum, quorum
alteri prodigi, alteri liberales: prodigi, qui epulis et
viscerationibus et gladiatorum muneribus, ludorum
venationumque apparatu pecunias profundunt in eas
res,. quarum memoriam aut brevem aut nullan:
56 omnino sint relicturi, liberales autem, qui suis facul-
tatibus aut captos a praedonibus redimunt aut aes
alienum suscipiunt amicorum aut in filiarum coUoca-
tione adiuvant aut opitulantur in re vel quaerenda
(,56) vel augenda. Itaque miror, quid in mentem venerit
Theophrasto in eo Hbro, quem de divitiis scripsit ; in
quo multa praeclate, illud absurde : est enim multus
in laudanda magnificentia et apparatione popularium
munerum tahumque sumptuum facultatem fructum
divitiarum putat. Mihi autem ille fructus hberali-
tatis, cuius pauca exempla posui, multo et maior
videtur et certior.
No. Quanto Aristoteles grayius et verius nos repre-
lound In /r i
our hendit! qui has pecuniarum eiiusiones non admire-
*ri8totle.
mur, quae fiunt ad multitudiuem dehniendam. Aii
226
BOOK II. xv-xvi
should be observed and that Hmit should be deter-
mined by our means. We ought, in a word^ to
remember the phrase, which, through being repeated
so very often by our eountrymen, has come to be a
common proverb: Bounty has no bottom." For
indeed what Hmit can there be, when those who
have been accustomed to receive gifts claim what
they have been in the habit of getting, and those
who have not wish for the same bounty?
XVI. There are, in general, two classes of those Extravagani
who give largely: the one class is the lavish, the ^^^y "yj^*,
other the generous. The lavish are those who
squander their money on pubhc banquets, doles of
meat among the people, gladiatorial sliows, magnifi-
cent games, and wild-beast fights— vanities of which
but a brief recollection will remain, or none at all.
) The generous, on the other hand, are those who
employ their own means to ransom captives from
brigands, or who assume their friends' debts or help
in providing dowries for their daughters, or assist
them in acquiring property or increasing what they
) have. And so I wonder what Theophrastus could
have been thinking about when he wrote his book
on Wealth." It contains much that is fine; but
his position is absurd, when he praises at great length
the magnificent appointments of the popular games,
and it is in the means for indulging in such expen-
ditures that he finds the highest privilege of weaith.
But to me the privilege it gives for the exercise of
generosity, of which I have given a few illustrations,
seems far higher and far more certain.
How much more true and pertinent are Aristotle's
words, as he rebukes us for not being amazed at this
gxtravagant waste of money, all to win the fcivour of
«2 287
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
enim, qui ab hoste obsidentur, si emere aquae sex-
tarium cogerentur^mina, hoc primo incredibile nobis
videri, omnesque mirari, sed cum attenderint, veniam
necessitati dare, in his immanibus iacturis infinitisque
sumptibus nihil nos magnopere mirari, cum praeser-
tim neque necessitati subveniatur nec dignitas
augeatur ipsaque illa delectatio multitudinis ad breve
exiguumque tempus capiatur,^ eaque a levissimo
quoque, in quo tamen ipso una cum satietate memoria
57 quoque moriatur voluptatis." Bene etiam colligit
haec pueris et mulierculis et servis et servorum
simillimis Hberis esse grata, gravi vero homini et ea,
quae fiunt, iudicio certo ponderanti probari posse
nuUo modo."
Quamquam intellego in nostra civitate invete
rasse iam bonis temporibus, ut splendor aediUtatum
ab optimis viris postuletur.* Itaque et P. Crassus
cum cognomine dives, tum copiis functus est aedilicio
maximo munere, et paulo post L. Crassus cum
omnium hominum moderatissimo Q. Mucio magnifi-
centissima aedilitate functus est, deinde C. Claudius
App. f., multi post, Luculli, Hortensius, Silanus;
omnes autem P. Lentulus me consule vicit superi-
ores ; hunc est Scaurus imitatus ; magnificentissima
' Ait enim Ed.; at hi a; at hii H; at ii B b; at htfc
^ cogerentur B H a b; cogantur L c p.
' capiatur Beier; not in MSS.
*postuletur B H a b, Heine; postularetur L c p, Bt.
328
BOOK II. xvi
the populace. If people in time of siege," he says,
" are required to pay a mina for a pint of water, this
seems to us at first beyond belief, and all are amazed ;
but when they think about it, they make allowances
for it on the plea of necessity. But in the matter of
this enormous waste and unlimited expenditure we
are not very greatly astonished, and that, too, though
by it no extreme need is relieved, no dignity is en-
hanced, and the very gratification of the populace is
but for a brief, passing moment ; such pleasure as it
is, too, is confined to the most frivolous, and even in
these the very memory of their enjoyment dies as
)7 soon as the moment of gratification is past." His
conclusion, too, is excellent: This sort of amuse-
ment pleases children, silly women, slaves, and the
servile free ; but a serious-minded man who weighs
such matters with sound judgment cannot possibly
approve of them."
And yet I reahze that in our country, even in the Magnificent
good old times, it had become a settled custom to Ixpected^f
expect magnificent entertainments from the very ^° aed»ie.
best men in their year of aedileship. So both Pub-
lius Crassus, who was not merely surnamed The
Rich" but was rich in fact, gave splendid games in
his aedileship; and a little later Lucius Crassus (with
Quintus Mucius, the most unpretentious man in the
world, as his colleague) gave most magnificent enter-
tainments in his aedileship. Then came Gaius
Claudius, the son of Appius, and, after him, many
others — the Luculli, Hortensius, and Silanus. Publius
Lentulus, however, in the year of my consulship,
eclipsed all that had gone before him, and Scaurus
emulated him. And my friend Pompey's exhibitions
in his second consulship were tlie most magnificent
229
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
vero nostri Pompei munera secundo consulatu; in
quibus omnibus quid mihi placeat, vides.
58 XVII. Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae.
Mamerco, homini divitissimo, pi-aetermissio aedili-
tatis consulatus repulsam attulit. Quare et, si po-
stulatur a populo, bonis viris si non desiderantibus, at
tamen approbantibus faciundum est, modo pro facul-
tatibus, nos ipsi ut fecimus, et, si quando aliqua res
maior atque utilior populari largitione acquiritur, ut
Oresti nuper prandia in semitis decumae nomine
magno honori fuerunt. Ne M.^ quidem Seio vitio
datum est, quod in caritate asse modium populo
dedit; magna enim se et inveterata invidia nec
turpi iactura, quando erat aedilis, nee maxima libera-
vit. Sed honori summo nuper nostro Miloni fuit.
qui gladiatoribus emptis rei publicae causa, quae
salute nostra continebatur, omnes P. Clodi conatus
furoresque compressit.
Causa igitur largitionis est, si aut necesse est aut
59 utile. In his^ autem ipsis mediocritatis regula opti-
ma est. L. quidem Pliilippus Q. f, magno vir
ingenio in primisque clarus, gloriari solebat se sine
> M. Orelli, Ed.; Ma co MSS.
^his H, E<ld.; hijs c; iis B b; is L.
aThe as was a copper coin worlh somewhat less thati a
penny. Selling' grain to tiie people at such a price was
practicaliy giving it away lo purchase their gfood-will.
BOOK II. xvi-xvii
of all. And so you see what I think about all this
sort ot thing.
J8 XVII. Still we should avoid any suspicion of
peniiriousness. Mamercus was a very wealthy man,
and his refusal of the aedileship was the cause of his
defeat for the consulship. If, therefore, such enter-
tainment is demanded by the people, men of right Justificationoi
sticn Gxtr«ivft"
judgment must at least consent to furnish it, even if gance.
they do not like the idea But in so doing they
should keep within their means, as I myself did,
They should hkewise afford such entertainment, if
gifts of money to the people are to be the means of
securing on some occasion some more important or
more useful object. Thus Orestes recently won
great honour by his public dinners given in the
streets, on the pretext of their being a tithe-offering.
Neither did anybody find fault with Marcus Seius
for supplying grain to the people at an as^ the peck
at a time when the market-price was prohibitive;
for he tlius succeeded in disarming the bitter and
deep-seated prejudice of the people against him at
an outlay neither very great nor discreditable to him
in view of the fact that he was aedile at tlie time. But
tlie highest honour recently fell to my friend Milo,
who bought a band of gladiators for the sake of the
country, whose preservation then depended upon
my recall from exile, and with them put down the
desperate schemes, the reign of terror, of Publius
Clodius.
The justification for gifts of money, therefore, is
59 either necessity or expediency. And in making them
even in such cases, the rule of thegolden mean is best. xhegolden
To be sure, Lucius Phihppus, the son of Quintus, a ™^a°'sbe»»
man of great abihty and unusual renown, used to 1
'^31 ' \'
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
ullo munere adeptum esse omnia, quae haberentur
amplissima. Dieebat idem Cotta, Curio. Nobis
quoque lieet in hoc quodam modo gloriari ; nam pro
amplitudine honorum, quos cunetis sufFragiis adepti
sumus nostro quidem anno, quod contigit eorum
nemini, quos modo nominavi, sane exiguus sumptus
aedilitatis fuit.
60 Atque etiam illae impensae meh'ores, muri, navaha,
portus, aquarum ductus omniaque, quae ad usum rei
pubhcae pertinent. Quamquam, quod praesens tam-
quam in manum datur, iucundius est; tamen haec
in posterum gratiora. Theatra, porticus, nova templa
verecundius reprehendo propter Pompeium, sed do-
ctissimi non probant, ut et hic ipse Panaetius, quem
multum in his Ubris secutus sum, non interpretatus,
et Phalereus Demetrius, qui Periclem, principem
Graeciae, vituperat, quod tantam pecuniam in prae-
clara illa propylaea coniecerit. Sed de hoc genere
r^*P°'^- toto in iis libris, quos de re pubHca scripsi, diUgen-
lotefMt. *^^ ^^*' disputatum.
Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum genere vitiosa
est, temporibus necessaria, et tum ipsum et ad facul-
tates accommodanda et mediocritate moderanda est.
^l XVIII. In illo autem altero genere largiendi, quod
" The saving clause is added, because Cicero never filled
the office of Censor.
888
BOOK II. xvii-xviii
make it his boast that without giving any entertain-
ments he had risen to all the positions looked upon
as the highest within the gift of the state. Cotta
could say the same, and Curio. I, too, may make
this boast my own — to a certain extent* ; for in com-
parison with the eminence of the offices to which I
was unanimously elected at the earUest legal age —
and this was not the good fortune of any one of
those just mentioned — the outlay in my aedileship
was very inconsiderable.
Again, the expenditure of money is better justified LavUh
,.. ic n 1111 expenditure on
when it is made lor walls, docks, narbours, aque- pubUc works.
ducts, and all those works which are of service to
the community. There is, to be sure, more of present
satisfaction in what is handed out, Uke cash
down; nevertheless pubHc improvements win us
greater gratitude with posterity. Out of respect
for Pompey's memory I am rather diffident about
expressing any criticism of theatres, colonnades, and
new temples ; and yet the greatest philosophers do
not approve of them — our Panaetius himself, for
example, whom I am following, not slavishly trans-
lating, in these books; so, too, Demetrius of
Phalerum, who denounces Pericles, the foremost
man of Greece, for throwing away so much money
on the magnificent, far-famed Propylaea, But this
whole theme is discussed at length in my books on
The Repubhc."
To conclude, the whole system of pubUc bounties
in such extravagant amount is intrinsically wrong;
but it may under certain circumstances be necessary
to make them ; even then they must be proportioned
to our abiUty and regulated by the golden mean.
XVIII. Now, as touching that second division of ben«ficence**
«33
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a liberalitate proficiscitur, non uno modo in dispari-
bus causis affecti esse debemus. Alia causa est
eius, qui calamitate premitur, et eius, qui res me-
62 liores quaerit nullis suis rebus adversis. Propensior
benignitas esse debebit in calamitosos, nisi forte
erunt digni calamitate. In iis tamen, qui se adiu-
vari volent, non ne affligantur, sed ut altiorem
gradum ascendant, restricti omnino esse nullo modo
debemus, sed in deligendis idoneis iudicium et dili-
gentiam adhibere. Nam praeclare Ennius:
Bene facta male locata i»iale facta arbitror.
63 Quod autem tributum est bono viro et grato, in eo
cum ex ipso fructus est, tum etiam ex ceteris. Teme-
ritate enim remota gratissima est liberalitas, eoqut
eam studiosius plerique laudant, quod summi cuius-
que bonitas commune perfugium est omnium. Danda
igitur opera est, ut iis beneficiis quam plurimos af-
ficiamus, quorum memoria liberiS posterisque pro-
datur, ut iis ingratis esse non liceat. Omnes enim
immemorem beneficii oderunt eamque iniuriam in
deterrenda liberalitate sibi etiam fieri eumque, qui
faciat, communem hostem tenuiorum putant.
Atque haec benignitas etiam rei publicae est utihs,
redimi e servitute captos, locupletari tenuiores ; (juod
BOOK II. xviii
gifts of money, those which are prompted by a spirli
of generosity, we oiight to look at different cases
difFerently. Tlie case of the man who is over-
whelmed by misfortune is different from that of tlie
one who is seeking to better his condition, though
he sufFers from no actual distress. It will be the
duty of charity to incline more to the unfortunate,
unless, perchance, they deserve their misfortune.
But of course we ought by no means to withhold
our assistance altogether from those who wish for
aid, not to save them from utter ruin but to enable
them to reach a higher degree of fortune. But in
selecting worthy cases, we ought to use judgment
and discretion. For, as Eimius says so admirably,
Good deeds misplaced, xnethinks, are evil deeds."
Furthermore, the favour conferred upon a man
who is good and grateful finds its reward, in such a
case, not only in his own good-will but in that of
others. For when generosity is not indiscriminate
giving, it wins most gratitude and people praise it
with more enthusiasm, because goodness of heart in
a man of high station becomes the common refuge
of everybody. Pains must, therefore, be taken to
benefit as many as possible with such kindnesses
that the memory of them shall be handed down to
children and to children's children, so that they too
may not be ungrateful. For all men detest in-
gratitude and look upon the sin of it as a wrong
committed against themselves also, because it dis-
courages generosity ; and they regard the ingrate as
the common foe of all the poor.
Ransoming prisoners from servitude and relieving
^he poor is a form of eharity that is a service to the
235
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quidem volgo solitum fieri ab ordine nostro in ora-
tione Crassi scriptum copiose videmus. Hanc ergo^
consuetudinem benignitatis largitioni munerum longe^
antepono; haec est gravium hominum atque ma-
gnorum, illa quasi assentatorum populi multitudinis
levitatem voluptate quasi titillantium.
64 Conveniet autem cum in dando munificum esse,
tum in exigendo non acerbum in omnique re contra-
henda, vendundo emendo, conducendo locando,
vicinitatibus et confiniis, aequum, facilem, multa
multis de suo iure cedentem, a Utibus vero, quan-
tum liceat et nescio an paulo plus etiam, quam
liceat, abhorrentem. Est enim non modo Uberale
paulum non numquam de suo iure decedere, sed
interdum etiam fructuosum. Habenda autem ratio
est rei familiaris, quam quidem dilabi^ sinere flagi-
tiosum est, sed ita, ut illiberalitatis avaritiaeque
absit suspicio ; posse enim liberalitate uti non spoli-
antem se patrimonio nimirum est pecuniae fructus
maximus.
Recte etiam a Theophrasto est laudata hospitalitas ;
est enim, ut mihi quidem videtur, valde decorura
patere domus hominum illustrium hospitibus illu-
stribus, idque etiam rei pubHcae est ornamento,
homines externos hoc Hberalitatis genere in urbe
nostra non egere. Est autem etiam vehementer
^ ergo B H a b, Muller; ego L c p, Lactantius, Bi., Heinp
^longe L c p, Lactantius, Edd. ; nnt in B H a b,
*dilabi L c, Ed., Heine; delabi B H a b, Bt.
BOOK II. xviii
state as well as to the iiidividual. And we find in
one of Crassus's orations the full proof given that
such beneficence used to be the common practice
of our order. This form of charity, then, I much
prefer to the lavish expenditure of money for public
exhibitions. The former is suited to men of worth
and dignity, the latter to those shallow flatterers, if
I may call them so, who tickle with idle pleasure,
so to speak, the fickle fancy of the rabble.
It will, moreover, befit a gentleman to be at the
same time Hberal in giving and not inconsiderate in
exacting his dues, but in every business relation —
in buying or selHng, in hiring or letting, in relations
arising out of adjoining houses and lands — to be fair,
reasonable, often freely yielding much of his own
right, and keeping out of Htigation as far as his
interests wiU permit and perhaps even a Httle
farther. For it is not only generous occasionally to
abate a Httle of one's rightful claims, but it is some-
times even advantageous. We should, however,
have a care for our personal property, for it is dis-
creditable to let it run through our fingers ; but we
must guard it in such a way that there shall be no
suspicion of meanness or avarice. For the greatest
privilege of wealth is, beyond all peradventure, the
opportunity it affords for doing good, without sacri-
ficing one's fortune.
Hospitality also is a theme of Theophrastus's praise, Another ejt-
and rightly so. For, as it seems to me at least, it is ^enefiMiTce is
most proper that the homes of distinguished men hospitaiity.
should be open to distinguished guests. And it is
to the credit of our country also that men from
abroad do not fail to find hospitable entertainment
of this kind in our city. It is, moreover, a very
237
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
litile iis, qui honeste posse multum volunt, per
hospites apud externos populos valere opibus et
gratia. Theoplirastus quidem scribit Cimonem
Athenis etiam in suos curiales Laciadas hospitalem
fuisse ; ita enim instituisse et vilicis imperavisse, ut
omnia praeberentur, quicumque Laciades in villam
suam devertisset.
65 XIX. Quae autem opera, non largitione beneficia
dantur, haec tum in universam rem publicam, tum
in singulos cives conferuntur. Nam in iure cavere
[jConsilio iuvare J atque hoc scientiae genere prodesse
quam plurimis vehementer et ad opes augendas
pertinet et ad gratiam.
Itaque cum multa praeclara maiorum, tum quod
optime constituti iuris civiiis summo semper in honore
fuit cognitio atque interpretatio ; quam quidem ante
hanc confusionem temporum in possessione sua prin-
cipes retinuerunt, nunc, ut honores, ut omnes digni-
tatis gradus, sic huius scientiae splendor deletus est,
idque eo indignius, quod eo tempore hoc contigit,
cum is esset, qui omnes superiores, quibus honore par
esset, scientia facile vicisset. Haec igitur opera
grata multis et ad beneficiis obstringendos homines
accommodata.
^consilio iuvare MSS., Ed. ; bracketedby Muther, Miiller,
Heiiie.
«Acts of kindness and peisonal service mean to Cicero
throughoul this discussioii the services of the lawyer, which
were voluntary and gratis.
b This eniinent jurist was Servius Sulpicius Lcmonia
Rufus, a close friend of Ciccro, author of Ihe weil-known
letter of condolence to Cicero on the death of his daughter
Tullia.
288
BOOK II. xviii-xix
great advantage, too, for tliose who wish to obtain a
powerful poHtical influence by honourable means to
be able through their social relations with their
guests to enjoy popularity and to exert influence
abroad. For an instance of extraordinary hospi-
tahty, Theophrastus writes that at Athens Cimon
was hospitable even to the Laciads, the people of
his own deme ; for he instructed his bailiffs to that
end and gave them orders that every attention
should be shown to any Laciad who should ever call
at his country home.
XIX. Again, the kindnesses shown not by gifts (2) personal
of money but by personal service* are bestowed ^^"^^"^**
sometimes upon the community at large, sometimes
upon individual citizens. To protect a man in his
legal rights [,to assist him with counsel,] and to serve
as many as possible with that sort of knowledge
tends grentlj' to increase one*s influence and popu-
larity.
Thus, among the many admirable ideas of our The professioi^
ancestors was the high respectthey always accorded to ° ***
the study and interpretation of the excellent body
of our civil law. And down to the present unsettled
times the foremost men of the state have kept this
profession exclusively in their own hands ; but now
the prestige of legal learning has departed along
with offices of honour and positions of dignity; and
this is the more deplorable, because it has come to
pass in the lifetime of a man** who in knowledge of
the law would easily have surpassed all his prede-
cessors, while in honour he is their peer. Service '
such as this, then, finds many to appreciate it and is
calculated to bind people closely to us by our good
services.
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66 Atque huic arti finitima est dicendi [gravior]
facultas ^ et gratior et ornatior. Quid enim eloquentia
praestabilius vel admiratione audientium vel spe in-
digentium vel eorum, qui defensi sunt, gratia?
Huic [quoquej ergo^ a maioribus nostris est in toga
dignitatis^ principatus datus. Diserti igitur hominis
et facile laborantis, quodque in patriis est moribus,
multorum causas et non gravate et gratuito defen-
dentis beneficia et patrocinia late patent.
67 Admonebat me res, ut hoc quoque loco intermis-
sionem eloquentiae, ne dicam interitum, deplorarem,
ni vererer, ne de me ipso aliquid viderer queri. Sed
tamen videmus, quibus exstinctis oratoribus quam
in paucis spes, quanto in paucioribus facultas, quam
in multis sit audacia. Cum autem omnes non possint,
ne multi quidem, aut iuris periti esse aut diserti,
licet tamen opera prodesse multis beneficia petentem,
commendantem iudicibus, magistratibus, vigilantem
pro re alterius, eos ipsos, qui aut consuluntur aut
defendunt, rogantem; quod qui faciunt, plurimum
gratiae consequuntur, latissimeque eorum manat
industria.
68 lam illud non sunt admonendi (est enim in
promptu), ut animadvertant, cum iuvare alios vehnt,
ne quos ofFendant. Saepe enim aut eos laedunt,
' dtcendi gravior facultas B H b; gravior facultas L c p;
dicendi[gravior]facultas Ed. ; dicendi facultas Lambinus
* huic quoque ergo B H L b c, Bt.; nuic ergo Facciolati;
huic [quoque] ergo Ed.
* in toga dignitatis Lc p, Edd.; in tota dignitatis, B H b ;
tn tota dignitate a.
240
BOOK 11. xix
Closely connected with this profession, further- Eioquence
more, is the gift of eloquence ; it is at once more ^' '^*^ ^^^'
popular and more distinguished. For what is better
than eloquence to awaken the admiration of one's
hearers or the hopes of the distressed or the gratitude
of those whom it has protected ? It was to eloquence,
therefore, that our fathers assigned the foremost
rank among the civil professions. The door of op-
portunity for generous patronage to others, then, is
wide open to the orator whose heart is in his work
and who follows the custom of our forefathers in
undertaking the defence of many clients without
reluctance and without compensation.
My subject suggests that at this point I express The decUne of
once more my regret at the decadence, not to say ®'°i"^"'^*-
the utter extinction, of eloquence ; and I should do
so, did I not fear that people would think that I
were complaining on my own account. We see,
nevertheless, what orators have lost their lives and
how few of any promise are left, how far fewer there
are who have ability, and how many there are who
have nothing but presumption, But though not all
— no, not even many — can be learned in the law or
eloquent as pleaders, still anybody may be of service
to many by canvassing in their support for appoint-
ments, by witnessing to their character before juries
and magistrates, by looking out for the interests of
one and another, and by soliciting for them the aid
of jurisconsults or of advocates. Those who perform
such services win the most gratitude and find a
most extensive sphere for their activities.
Of course, those who pursue such a course do not a waming to
need to be warned (for the point is self-evident) to «'oquence.
be careful when they seek to oblige some, not to
R 241
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quos non debent, aut eos, quos non expedit; si
imprudentes, neglegentiae est, si scientes, temeri-
tatis. Utendum etiam est excusatione adversus eos,.
quos invitus ofFendas, quacumque possis, quare id^
quod feceriSj necesse fuerit nec aliter facere potueris,
ceterisque operis et officiis erit id, quod violatum
videbitur/ compensandum.
69 XX. Sed cum in hominibus iuvandis aut mores
spectari aut fortuna soleat, dictu quidem est proclive,
itaque volgo loquuntur, se in beneficiis collocandis
mores hominum, non fortunam sequi. Honesta
oratio est ; sed quis est tandem, qui inopis et optimi
viri causae non anteponat in opera danda gratiam
fortunati et potentis? a quo enim expeditior et
celerior remuneratio fore videtur, in eum fere est
voluntas nostra propensior. Sed animadvertendum
est dihgentius, quae natura rerum sit. Nimirum
enim inops ille, si bonus est vir, etiamsi referre
gratiam non potest, habere certe potest. Commode
autem, quicumque dixit^ pecuniam qui habeat, non
reddidisse, qui reddiderit, non habere, gratiam
autem et, qui rettulerit, habere ^ et, qui habeat, rettu-
hsse."
At qui se locupletes, honoratos, beatos putant, ii
ne obhgari quidem beneficio volunt; quin etiam
beneficium se dedisse arbitrantur, cum ipsi quamvis
^videbitur L c p, Edd. ; not in B H b; est, a.
*gratiam . . . habere L c p, Edd.; not in B H a b.
542
BOOK II. xix-xx
ofFend others. For oftentimes they hurt those whom
they ought not or those whom it is inexpedient to
offend. If they do it inadvertently, it is carelessness ;
if designedly, inconsiderateness. A man must apolo-
gize also, to the best of his abiHty, if he has involun-
tarily hurt anyone's feelingSj and explain why what
he has done was unavoidable and why he could not
have done otherwise ; and he must by future services
and kind offices atone for the apparent offence.
XX. Now in rendering helpful service to people, xhebasisfor
we usually consider either their character or their i^^character not
circumstances. And so it is an easy remark^ and fortune.
one commonly made, to say that in investing kind-
nesses we look not to people's outward circum-
stances, but to their character. The phrase is
admirable ! But who is there^ pray, that does not in
performing a service set the favour of a rich and in-
fluential man above the cause of a poor, though most
worthy, person ? For, as a rule, our will is more in-
clined to the one from whom we expect a prompter
and speedier return. But we should observe more
carefully how the matter really stands : the poor man
of whom we spoke cannot return a favour in kind, of
course, but if he is a good man he can do it at least
in thankfulness of heart. As some one has happily
said, A man has not repaid money, if he still has it ;
if he has repaid it, he has ceased to have it. But a
man still has the sense of favour, if he has returned
tlie favour ; and if he has the sense of the favour, he
has repaid it."
On the other hand, they who consider themselves
wealthy, honoured, the favourites of fortune, do not
wish even to be put under obhgations by our kind
services. Why, they actually think that they have
r2 243
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
magnum aliquod acceperint, atque etiam a se aut
postulari aut exspectari aliquid suspicantur, patro-
cinio vero se usos aut clientes appellari mortis instar
70 putant. At vero ille tenuis, cum, quicquid factum
sit, se spectatum, non fortunam putet,^ non modo illi,
qui est meritus^ sed etiam illis, a quibus exspectat
(eget enim multis), gratum se videri studet neque
vero verbis auget suum munus, si quo forte fungitur,
sed etiam extenuat. Videndumque illud est, quod,
si opulentum fortunatumque defenderis, in uno illo
aut, si ^ forte, in liberis eius manet gratia ; sin autenc
inopem, probum tamen et modestum, omnes non
improbi humiles, quae magna in populo multitudo
71 est, praesidium sibi paratum vident. Quam ob rera
melius apud bonos quam apud fortunatos beneficiunv
coUocari puto.
Danda omnino opera est, ut omni generi satis
facere possimus; sed si res in contentionem veniet,
nimirum Themistocles est auctor adhibendus; qui
cum consuleretur, utrum bono viro pauperi an minus
probato diviti filiam collocaret: Ego vero," inquit,
malo virum, qui pecunia egeat, quam pecuniam,
quae viro," Sed corrupti mores depravatique sunt
^vero j« B H a b; vero tuo y^ L c p
'^putefEd.', putat MSS.
^ st L c p, Edd. ; not in B H a b.
244
BOOK II. XX
conferred a favour by accepting one, however great ;
and they even suspect that a claim is thereby set up
against them or that something is expected in return.
Nay more, it is bitter as death to them to have
70 accepted a patron or to be called clients. Your man
of slender means, on the other hand, feels that what-
ever is done for him is done out of regard for him-
self and not for his outward circumstances. Hence Thepoormaa's
he strives to show himself grateful not only to the ^^^ ' " ^'
one who has obhged him in the past but also to those
from whom he expects similar favours in the future
— and he needs the help of many; and his own
service, if he happens to render any in return, he does
not exaggerate, but he actually depreciates it. This
fact, furthermore, should not be overlooked — that if
one defends a wealthy favourite of fortune, the
favour does not extend further than to the man him-
self or, possibly, to his children. But if one defends
a man who is poor but honest and upright, all the
lowly who are not dishonest — and there is a large
proportion of that sort among the people — look upon
such an advocate as a tower of defence raised up for
Tl them. I think, therefore, that kindness to the good
is a better investment than kindness to the favour-
ites of fortune.
We must, of course, put forth every efFort to obHge
all sorts and conditions of men, if we can. But if it
comes to a conflict of duty on this point, we must, I
should say, follow the advice of Themistocles : when
some one asked his advice whether he should give
his daughter in marriage to a man who was poor but
honest or to one who was rich but less esteemed, he Weaith no
said : " For my part, I prefer a man without money nor"a b?r^to
to money without a man." But the moral sense of personai swvim
245
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
admiratione divitiarum ; quarum magnitudo quid ad
unum quemque nostrum pertinet? Illum fortasse
adiuvat, qui habet. Ne id quidem semper ; sed fac
iuvare; utentior^ sane sit, honestior vero quomodo?
Quodsi etiam bonus erit vir, ne impediant divitiae,
quo minus iuvetur, modo ne adiuvent, sitque omne
iudicium, non quam locuples, sed qualis quisque sit !
Extremum autem praeceptum in beneficiis opera-
que danda, ne quid contra aequitatem contendas, ne
quid pro iniuria; fundamentum enim est perpetuae
commendationis et famae iustitia, sine qua nihil
potest esse laudabile.
72 XXI. Sed, quoniam de eo genere beneficiorum
dictum est, quae ad singulos spectant, deinceps de
iis, quae ad universos quaeque ad rem publicam
pertinent, disputandum est. Eorum autem ipsorum
partim^ eius modi sunt, ut ad universos cives perti-
neant, partim, singulos ut attingant; quae sunt
etiam gratiora. Danda opera est omnino, si possit,
utrisque, nec minus, ut etiam singulis consulatur, sed
ita, ut ea res aut prosit aut certe ne obsit rei publicae.
C. Gracchi frumentaria magna largitio; exhauriebat
igitur aerarium; modica M. Octavi et rei publicae
^ utenfwr MSS., Bt.*, Heine; potentior later MSS.; opit-
lentior one MS. (C. Lanj^e), Lambinus, Bt.*, Muller.
' partim L c p, Edd.; quae {que=quae H) partim B H a b.
246
BOOK 11. xx-xxi
to-day is demoralized and depraved by our worship
of wealth. Of what concern to any one of us is the
size of another man's fortune? It is, perhaps^ an
advantage to its possessor ; but not always even that.
But suppose it is; he may, to be sure, have more
money to spend ; but how is he any the better man
for that? Still, if he is a good man, as well as a rich
one, let not his riches be a hindrance to his being
aided, if only they are not the motive to it ; but in
conferring favours our decisionshoulddepend entirely
upon a man's charactei^ not on his wealth.
The supreme rule, then^ in the matter of kind-
nesses to be rendered by personal service is never
to take up a case in opposition to the right nor
in defence of the wrong. For the foundation
of enduring reputation and fame is justice, and
without justice there can be nothing worthy of
praise.
XXI. Now, since we have finished the discussion servke to the
of that kind of helpful services which concern indi- ^^^*-^ through
^ personal service
vidualsj we must next take up those which touch the to individuais
whole body pohtic and the state. Of these pubHc
services, some are of such a nature that they concern
the whole body of citizens ; others, that they affect
individuals only. And these latter are the more pro-
ductive of gratitude. If possible, we should by all
means attend to both kinds of service ; but we must
take care in protecting the interests of individuals
that what we do for them shall be beneficial, or at
least not prejudicial to the state. Gaius Gracchus
inaugurated largesses of grain on an extensive scale ;
this had a tendency to exhaust the exchequer.
Marcus Octavius inaugurated a moderate dole ; thi
was both practicable for the state and necessary fo
247
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
tolerabilis et plebi necessaria; ergo et civibus et rei
publicae salutaris.
73 In primis autem videndum erit ei, qui rem publi-
cam administrabit, ut suum quisque teneat neque de
bonis privatorum publice deminutio fiat. Perniciose
enim Philippus, in tribunatu cum legem agrariam
ferret, quam tamen antiquari facile passus est et in
eo vehementer se moderatum praebuit — sed cum in
agendo multa populariter, tum illud male, "non esse
in civitate duo milia hominum, qui rem haberent."
Capitalis oratio est, ad aequationem bonorum perti-
nens ; qua peste quae potest esse maior ? Hanc enim
ob causam maxime, utsua tenerentur, res publicae
civitatesque constitutae sunt. Nam, etsi duce natura
congregabantur homines, tamen spe custodiae rerum
suarum urbium praesidia quaerebant.
74 Danda etiam opera est, ne, quod apud maiores no-
stros saepe fiebat propter aerarii tenuitatem assidui-
tatemque bellorum, tributum sit conferendum, idque
ne eveniat, multo ante erit providendum. Sin quae
necessitas huius muneris alicui rei publicae obvenerit
(malo enim quam nostrae ominari ; neque tamen de
^malo enim B H L b p; mulo enim alii a; malo enim
aliene ( alienae) c
248
BOOK II. xxi
the commons; it was, therefore, a blessing both to
the citizens and to the state.
The man in an administrative officej however, must xhe statesmans
make it his first care that every one shall have what nY^ro' er[^
belongs to him and that private citizens sufFer no in- rights,
vasion of their property rights by act of the state. It
was a ruinous policy that Philippus proposed when
in his tribuneship he introduced his agrarian bill.
However, when his law was rejected, he took his
defeat with good grace and displayed extraordinary
moderation. But in his public speeches on the
measure he often played the demagogue, and that
time viciously, when he said that "there were not
in the state two thousand people who owned any
property." That speech deserves unqualified con-
demnation, for it favoured an equal distribution of
property; and what more ruinous policy than that
could be conceived ? For the chief purpose in the
estabUshment of constitutional state and municipal
governments was that individual property rights
might be secured. For although it was by Nature's
guidance that men were drawn together into com-
munities, it was in the hope of safeguarding their
possessions that they sought the protection of cities.
The administration should also put forth every effort (2) taxation
to prevent the levying of a property tax, and to this
end precautions should be taken long in advance.
Such a tax was often levied in the times of our fore-
fathers on account of the depleted state of their
treasury and their incessant wars. But if any state
(l say "any," for I would rather speak in general
terms than forebode evils to our own; however, I
am not discussing our own state but states in general)
■ — if any state ever has to face a crisis requiring the
249
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
nostra, sed de omni re publica disputoX danda erit
opera, ut omnes intellegant, si salvi esse velint,
necessitati esse parendum. Atque etiam omnes, qui
rem publicam gubernabunt, consulere debebunt, ut
earum rerum copia sit, quae sunt^ necessariae.
Quarum qualis comparatio fieri soleat et debeat, non
est necesse disputare ; est enim in promptu ; tantum
locus attingendus fuit.
75 Caput autem est in omni procuratione negotii et
muneris publici, ut avaritiae pellatur etiam minima
suspicio. Utinam/' inquit C. Pontius Samnis, ad
illa tempora me fortuna reservavisset et tum essem
natus, quando Romani dona accipere^ coepissent!
non essem passus diutius eos imperare." Ne illi
multa saecula exspectanda fuerunt; modo enim hoc
malum in hanc rem publicam invasit. Itaque facile
patior tum potius Pontium fuisse, siquidem in illo
tantum fuit roboris. Nondum centum et decem
anni sunt, cum de pecuniis repetundis a L. Pisone
lata lex est, nulla antea cum fuisset. At vero postea
tot leges et proximae quaeque duriores, tot rei, tot
damnati, tantum [italicumj^ bellum propter iudicio-
rum metum excitatum, tanta sublatis legibus et
iudiciis expilatio direptioque sociorum, ut imbecilli-
tate aliorum, non nostra virtute valeamus.
76 XXII. Laudat Africanum Panaetius, quod fuerit
abrtinens. Quidni laudet? Sed in illo aUa maiora ;
^ sunt B H b, Bt.^; sunt ad victum L c p, Bt.', Heine.
^dona accipere B H L a p c; accipere dona b, Ed.
'^tantum\Italicum\ Bake, Edd. ; tatitum Italicum L c p;
tantum Iliacum B H; tanti militari cum b.
"The Ital!an or Social War, B.c. 100-88.
b During the didlatorships of Sulla and Caesar.
250
BOOK II. xxi-xxii
imposition of such a burden, every effort must be
made to let all the people realize that they must
bow to the inevitable, if they wish to be saved. And (3) necessiUes of
life
it will also be the duty of those who direct the affairs '
of the state to take measures that there shall be an
abundance of the necessities of Hfe. It is needless
to discuss the ordinary ways and means; for the
duty is self-evident ; it is necessary only to mention
the matter.
But the chief thing in all public administration (4) officiai
and public service is to avoid even the slightest "^*®^"'^"
suspicion of self-seeking. I would," says Gaius
Pontius, the Samnite, that fortune had withheld
my appearance until a time when the Romans began
to accept bribes, and that I had been born in those
days! I should then have suffered them to hold
their supremacy no longer." Aye, but he would
have had many generations to wait; for this plague
has only recently infected our nation. And so I
rejoice that Pontius lived then instead of now, seeing
that he was so mighty a man ! It is not yet a hun-
dred and ten years since the enactment of Lucius
Piso's bill to punish extortion; there had been no
such law before. But afterward came so many laws,
each more stringent than the other, so many men
were accused and so many convicted, so horrible a
war* was stirred up on account of the fear of what
our courts would do to still others, so frightful was
the pillaging and plundering of the allies when the
laws and courts were suppressed,^ that now we
find ourselves strong not in our own strength but in
the weakness of others.
XXII. Panaetius praises Africanus for his integrity
in Dublic life. Why should he not ? But Africanus
251
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
laus abstinentiae ^ non hominis est solum, sed etiam
temporum illorum. Omni Macedonum gaza, quae
fuit maxima, potitus [est] ^ Paulus tantum in aerarium
pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem
attulerit tributorum. At hic nihil domum suam
intulit praeter memoriam nominis sempiternam.
Imitatus patrem Africanus nihilo locupletior Cartha-
gine eversa. Quid ? qui eius collega fuit in censura,
L. Mummius, numquid copiosior, cum copiosissimam
urbem funditus sustulisset? Italiam ornare quam
domum suam maluit ; quamquam Italia ornata domus
ipsa mihi videtur ornatior.
77 Nullum igitur vitium taetrius est, ut eo, unde
egressa est, referat se oratio, quam avaritia, praeser-
tim in principibus et rem publicam gubernantibus.
Habere enim quaestui rem publicam non modo
turpe est, sed sceleratum etiam et nefarium. Itaque,
Tnst.' <1"°^ Apollo Pythius oraclum edidit, Spartam nulla
239^"' ^^ *^'* ^^^^ avaritia esse perituram, id videtur non
solum Lacedaemoniis, sed etiam omnibus opulentis
populis praedixisse. Nulla autem re conciHare faci-
lius benivolentiam multitudinis possunt ii, qui rei
pubhcae praesunt, quam abstinentia et continentia.
78 Qui vero se populares volunt ob eamque causam
aut agrariam rem temptant, ut possessores pellantur
suis sedibus, aut pecunias creditas debitoribus con-
'^ dbstinentiae L c p, Edd.; sapientiae B II a b.
^potitus J F. Heusinger; potitus [est\ Edd. ; potitus est
MSS.
'^intulit B H b, Edd.; detulit L c p.
^.Nearly two million pounds steriingf.
252
BOOK II. xxii
had other and greater virtues. The boast of official
integrity belongs not to that man alone but also to
his times. When Paulus got possession of all the
wealth of Macedon — and it was enormous — he brought
into our treasury so much money ^ that the spoils of a
single general did away with the need for a tax on
property in Rome for all time to come. But to his
own house he brought nothing save the glory of an
immortal name. Africanus emulated his father's
example and was none the richer for his overthrow
of Carthage. And what shall we say of Lucius
Mummius, his colleague in the censorship ? Was he
one penny the richer when he had destroyed to its
foundations the richest of cities? He preferred to
adorn Italy rather than his own house. And yet by
the adornment of Italy his own house was, as it
seems to me, still more splendidly adorned.
There is, then, to bring the discussion back to the integrity
point from which it digressed, no vice more offensive
than avarice, especially in men who stand foremost
and hold the helm of state. For to exploit the state
for selfish profit is not only immoral ; it is criminal,
infamous. And so the oracle, which the Pythian
Apollo uttered, that Sparta should not fall from any
other cause than avarice," seems to be a prophecy
not to the Lacedaemonians alone, but to all wealtliy
nations as well. They who direct the aflfairs of
state, then, can win the good-will of the masses by
no other means more easily than by self-restraint
and self-denial.
But they who pose as friends of the people, and xhe menace of
who for that reason either attempt to have agrarian ^grarian laws.
laws passed, in order that the occupants may be
driven out of their homes, or propose that money
253
vs.
avarice.
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
donandas putant, labefactant fundamenta rei pu-
blicae, concordiam primum, quae esse non potest, cum
aliis adimuntur^ aliis condonantur pecuniae, deinde
aequitatem, quae tollitur omnis, si habere suum
cuique non licet. Id enim est proprium, ut supra
§ 73 dixi, civitatis atque urbis, ut sit libera et non solli-
79 cita suae rei cuiusque custodia. Atque in hac per-
nicie rei publicae ne illam quidem consequuntur,
quam putant, gratiam; nam cui res erepta est, est
inimicus, cui data est, etiam dissimulat se accipere
voluisse et maxime in pecuniis creditis occultat suuni
gaudium, ne videatur non fuisse solvendo; at vero
lle, qui accepit^ iniuriam, et meminit et prae se fert
dolorem suum, nec, si plures sunt ii, quibus inprobe
datum est, quam illi, quibus iniuste ademptum est,
idcirco plus etiam valent; non enim numero haec
iudicantur, sed pondere. Quam autem habet aequi-
tatem, ut agrum multis annis aut etiam saeculis
ante possessum, qui nullum habuit, habeat, qui
autem habuit, amittat?
80 XXIII. Ac^ propter hoc iniuriae genus Lacedae-
monii Lysandrum ephorum expulerunt, Agim regem,
quod numquam antea apud eos acciderat, necaverunt,
exque eo tempore tantae discordiae secutae sunt, ut
' accepit L c, Edd. ; accipit B H a b p.
McEdd.; «/ MSS.
S54
BOOK II. xxii-xxirl
loaned should be remitted to the borrowers, are
undermiuing the foundations of the commonwealth :
first of all, they are destroying harmony^ which
cannot exist when money is taken away from one
party and bestowed upon another ; and secondj they
do away with equity, which is utterly subverted, if
the rights of property are not respected. For, as I
said above, it is the peculiar function of the state
and the city to guarantee to every man the free and
undisturbed control of his own particular property.
And yet, when it comes to measures so ruinous to
pubhc welfare, they do not gain even that popularity
which they anticipate. For he who has been robbed
of his property is their enemy ; he to whom it has
been turned over actually pretends that he had no
wish to take it ; and most of all, when his debts are
cancelled, the debtor conceals his joy, for fear that he
may be thought to have been insolvent ; whereas the
victim of the wrong both remembers it and shows
his resentment openly Thus even though they to
whom property has been wrongfully awarded be
more in number than they from whom it has been un-
justly taken, they do not for that reason have more
influence; for in such matters influence is measured
not by numbers but by weight. And how is it fair
that a man who never had any pi"operty should take
possession of lands that had been occupied for many
years or even generations, and that he who had
them before should lose possession of them ?
XXIII. Now, it was on account of just this sort of instances of
wrong-doing that the Spartans banished their ephor fellsiatron.
Lysander^ and put their king Agis to death — an act
without precedent in the history of Sparta. From
that time od — and for the same reason — dissensions
255
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
et tyranni exsisterent et optimates exterminarentur
et praeclarissime constituta res publica dilaberetur;
nec vero solum ipsa cecidit, sed etiam reliquam
Graeciam evertit contagionibus malorum/ quae a
Lacedaemoniis profectae manarunt latius. Quid?
nostros Gracchos, Ti. Gracchi summi viri filios, Afri-
cani nepotes, nonne agrariae coiitentiones perdide-
runt?
81 At vero Aratus Sicyonius iure laudatur, qui, cum
eius civitas quinquaginta annos a tyrannis teneretur,
profectus Argis Sicyonem clandestino introitu urbe
est potitus, cumque tyrannum Nicoclem improviso
oppressisset,' sescentos exsules, qui locupletissimi
fuerant eius civitatis, restituit remque publicam ad-
ventu suo liberavit. Sed cum magnam animadver-
teret in bonis et possessionibus difficultatem, quod et
eos, quos ipse restituerat, quorum bona alii possede-
rant, egere iniquissimum esse arbitrabatur et quin-
quaginta annorum possessiones moveri^ non nimis
aequum putabat, propterea quod tam longo spatio
multa hereditatibus, multa emptionibus, mulla
dotibus tenebantur sine iniuria, iudicavit neque
illis adimi nec iis non satis fieri, quorum illa
82 fuerant, oportere. Cum igitur statuisset opus
esse ad eam rem constituendam pecunia, Alexan-
dream se proficisci velle dixit remque integram ad
^ malorum L c p, -Edd. ; maiorum B H a b.
* oppressisset L c p, Edd.; pressisset B H a b.
*moveri L c p, Edd. ; movere B H a b.
256
BOOK II. xxiii
so serious ensued that tyrants arose, the nobles were
sent into exile, and the state, though most admir-
ably constituted, crumbled to pieces. Nor did it
fall alone, but by the contagion of the ills that,
starting in Lacedaemon, spread widely and more
widely, it dragged the rest of Greece down to ruin.
What shall we say of our own Gracchi^ the sons of
that famous Tiberius Gracchus and grandsons of
Africanus ? Was it not strife over the agrarian issue
that caused their downfall and death?
Aratus of Sicyon, on the other hand, is justly Aratusoi
praised. When his city had been kept for fifty Sicyon.
years in the power of its tyrants, he came over
from Argos to Sicyon, secretly entered the city and
took it by surprise ; he fell suddenly upon the tyrant
Nicocles, recalled from banishment six hundred
exiles who had been the wealthiest men of the city,
and by his coming made his country free. But he
found great difficulty in the matter of property and
its occupancy ; for he considered it most unjust, on
the one hand, that those men should be left in want
whom he had restored and of whose property others
had taken possession ; and he thought it hardly fair,
on the other hand, that tenure of fifty years' stand-
ing should be disturbed. For in the course of that
long period many of those estates had passed into
innocent hands by right of inheritance, many by
purchase, many by dower. He therefore decided that
it would be wrong either to take the property away
from the present incumbents or to let them keep it
without compensation to its former possessors. So,
when he had come to the conclusion that he must
have money to meet the situation, he announced
that he meant to make a trip to Alexandria and gave
s 257
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
reditum suum iussit esse, isque eeleriter ad Ptolo-
maeum, suum hospitem, venit, qui tum regnabat
alter post Alexandream conditam. Cui^ cum ex-
posuisset patriam se liberare velle causamque do-
cuisset, a rege opulento vir summus facile impetravit,
ut grandi pecunia adiuvaretur. Quam cum Sicyonem
attulisset, adhibuit sibi in consiHum quindecim prin-
cipes, cum quibus causas cognovit et eorum, qui
aliena tenebant, et eorum, qui sua amiserant, per-
fecitque aestimandis possessionibus, ut persuaderet
aliis, ut pecuniam accipere mallent, possessionibus
cederent, aUis, ut commodius putarent numerari sibi,
quod tanti esset, quam suum recuperare. Ita per-
fectum est, ut omnes concordia constituta sine querella
discederent.
83 O virum magnum dignumque, qui in re pubhca
nostra natus esset! Sic par est agere cum civibus,
non, ut bis iam vidimus, hastam in foro ponere et
bona civium voci subicere^ praeconis. At ille Graecus,
id quod fuit sapientis et praestantis viri, omnibus
consulendum putavit, eaque est simima ratio et sa-
pientia boni civis, commoda civium non divellere
atque omnis aequitate eadem continere. Habitent
* cui Edd.; qui MSS.
"^subicere L c p, Edd.; subiacere B H a b.
258
BOOK II. xxiii
orders that matters should remain as they were until
his return. And so he went in haste to his friend
Ptolemy, then upon the throne, the second king
after the founding of Alexandria. To him he ex-
plained that he wished to restore constitutional
hberty to his country and presented his case to him.
And, being a man of the highest standing, he easily
secured from that wealthy king assistance in the
form of a large sum of money. And when he had
returned with this to Sicyon, he called into counsel
with him fifteen of the foremost men of the city.
With them he investigated the cases both of those
who were holding possession of other people's pro-
perty and of those who had lost theirs. And he
managed by a valuation of the properties to persuade
some that it was more desirable to accept money and
surrender their present holdings; others he con-
vinced that it was more to their interest to take a
fair price in cash for their lost estates than to try to
recover possession of what had been their own. As
a resultj harmony was preserved^ and all oarties went
their way without a word of complaint.
A great statesman^ and worthy to have been justicethe
born in our commonwealth ! That is the right way °t T^'^"!!?^* °
to deal with one's fellow-citizens, and not^ as we have
already witnessed on two occasions, to plant the
spear in the forum and knock down the property of
citizens under the auctioneer's hammer. But yon
Greek, hke a wise and excellent man, thought that
he must look out for the welfare of all. And this
is the highest statesmanship and the soundest wisdom
on the part of a good citizen, not to divide the in-
terests of the citizens but to unite all on the basis of
impartial justice. Let them Hve in their neighbours
s2 2.^9
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
gratis in alieno. Quid ita? ut, cum ego emerim,
aedificarim, tuear, impendam, tu me invito fruare
meo? Quid est aliud aliis sua eripere, aliis dare
84 aliena? Tabulae vero novae quid habent argumenti,
nisi ut emas mea pecunia fundum, eum tu habeas,
ego non habeam pecuniam?
XXIV. Quam ob rem ne sit aes alienum, quod rei
publicae noceat, providendum est, quod multis ra-
tionibus caveri potest, non, si fuerit, ut locupletes
suum perdant, debitores lucrentur alienum; nec
enim ulla res vehementius rem pubHcam continet
quam fides, quae esse nulla potest, nisi erit neces-
saria solutio rerum creditarum. Numquam velie-
mentius actum est quam rae consule, ne solveretur ;
armis et castris temptata res est ab omni genere
hominum et ordine ; quibus ita restiti, ut hoc totum
malum de re pubhca tolleretur. Numquam nec
maius aes ahenum fuit nec meUus nec facihus disso-
lutum est; fraudandi enim spe sublata solvendi
necessitas consecuta est. At vero hic nunc victor,
tum quidem victus, quae cogitarat, ea^ perfecit, cum
eius iam nihil interesset. Tanta in eo peccandi
libido fuit, ut hoc ipsum eum delectaret, peccare,
etiamsi causa non esset.
' cogitarat, ^a B H a b, Bt.*, Miiller; cogitarat, acni ipsius
intererat, tum ea c p, Bt.', Heine.
aAn assumed appeal to one of Caesar's edicts.
b Caesar, it seems, had had some part in the schemes of
CatilineinB.C. 63and possibly in the plotofB.C. 66-65. When
his conquests in Gaul had fieed him from his debts and
made him rich, his party, with his consent, passed(B.C. 49)
the obnoxious legislation here referred to — that all interest
in arrears should bc remiltcd, and that that which had been
paid should be deducted from the principal,
260
BOOK II. xxiii-xxiv
house rent-free."* Why so? In order that^ when I
have bought, built, kept up^ and spent my money
upon a place, you may without niy consent enjoy
what belongs to me? What else is that but to rob
one man of what belongs to him and to give to
84 another what does not belong to him? And what
is the meaning of an abolition of debts, except that
you buy a farm with my money ; thct yon have the
farm, and I have not my money ?
XXIV. We must, therefore, take measures that Economics o
there shall be no indebtedness of a nature to en-
danger the pubHc safety. It is a menace that can
be averted in many ways ; but should a serious debt
be incurred, we are not to allow the rich to lose
their property, while the debtors profit by what is
their neighbour's. For there is nothing that upholds
a government more powerfully than its credit ; and
it can have no credit, unless the payment of debts
is enforced by law. Never were measures for the
repudiation of debts more strenuously agitated than
in my consulship. Men of every sort and rank
attempted with arms and armies to force the project
through. But I opposed them with such energy
tliat this plague was wholly eradicated from the body
poUtic. Indebtedness was never greater ; debts were
never Hquidated more easily or more fully ; for the
hope of defrauding the creditor was cut ofF and pay-
ment was enforced by law. But the present victor,
though vanquished then, still carried out his old
design, when it was no longer of any personal ad-
vantage to him.** So great was his passion for wrong-
doing that the very doing of wrong was a joy to him
for its own sake, even when there was no motive
for it.
261
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
85 Ab hoc igitur genere largitionis, ut aliis detur, aliis
auferatur^ aberunt ii, qui rem publicam tuebuntur, in
primisque operam dabunt, ut iuris et iudiciorum
aequitate suum quisque teneat et neque tenuiores
propter humilitatem circumveniantur neque locuple-
tibus ad sua vel tenenda vel recuperanda obsit
invidia, praeterea, quibuscumque rebus vel belU vel
domi poterunt, rem publicam augeant imperio, agris,
vectigalibus.
Haec magnorum hominum sunt, haec apud maiores
nostros factitata, haec genera officiorum qui perse-
quentur,^ cum summa utihtate rei pubhcae magnam
ipsi adipiscentur et gratiam et gloriam.
86 In his autem utiHtatum praeceptis Antipater Ty-
rius Stoicus, qui Athenis nuper est mortuus, duo
praeterita censet esse a Panaetio, valetudinis cura-
tionem et pecuniae; quas res a summo philosopho
praeteritas arbitror, quod essent faciles; sunt certe
utiles. Sed valetudo sustentatur notitia sui corporis
et observatione, quae res aut prodesse soleant aut
obesse, et continentia in victu omni atque cultu cor-
poris tuendi causa [praetermittendis voluptatibus],^
postremo arte eorum, quorum ad scientiam haec
pertinent.
^ persequentur c; persequuntur b, Bt.''^; persecuntur B H p,
B(:.\ Heine.
^ praetermittendis voluptatibus MSS. ; del. Heine, Edd.
262
BOOK II. xxiv
Those, then, whose office it is to look after the
interests of the state will refrain from that form of
hberality which robs one man to enrich another.
Above all, they will use their best endeavours that Administration
every one shall be protected in the possession of his in equity.
own property by the fair administration of the law
and the courts, that the poorer classes shall not be
oppressed because of their helplessness, and that
envy shall not stand in the way of the rich, to prevent
them from keeping or recovering possession of what
justly belongs to them ; they must strive, too, by what-
ever means they can, in peace or in war, to advance
the state in power, in territory, and in revenues.
Such service calls for great men ; it was commonly
rendered in the days of our ancestors ; if men will
perform duties such as these, they will win popu-
larity and glory for themselves and at the same time
render eminent service to the state.
Now, in this list of rules touching expediency, Sanitation.
Antipater of Tyre, a Stoic philosopher who recently
died at Athens, claims that two points were over-
looked by Panaetius — the care of health and of
property. I presume that the eminent philosopher
overlooked these two items because they present no
difficulty. At all events they are expedient. Al-
though they are a matter of course, I will still say a
few words on the subject. Individual health is pre-
served by studying one's own constitution, by observ-
ing what is good or bad for one, by constant self-
control in supplying physical wants and comforts
(but only to the extent necessary to self-preserva-
tion), by foregoing sensual pleasures, and finally, by
the professional skill of those to whose science these
matters belong.
263
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
87 Res autem familiaris quaeri debet iis rebus, a
quibus abest turpitudo, conservari autem diligentia
et parsimoniaj eisdem etiam rebus augeri. Has res
coramodissime Xenophon Socraticus persecutus est
in eo libro, qui Oeconomicus inscribitur, quem nos,
ista fere aetate cum essemus, qua es tu nunc, e
Gi'aeco in Latinum convertimus. ^Sed toto hoc de
genere^ de quaerenda, de collocanda pecunia,
(vellem^ etiam de utenda) commodius a quibusdam
optimis viris ad lanum^ medium sedentibus quam
ab ullis philosophis ulla in schola disputatur. Sunt
tamen ea cognoscenda ; pertinent eaim ad utilitatem,
de qua hoc libro disputatum est.^
88 XXV. Sed utiUtatum comparatio, quoniam hic
locus erat quartus, a Panaetio praetermissus, saepe
est necessaria. Nam et corporis commoda cum ex-
ternis [et externa cum corporis]^ et ipsa inter se
corporis et externa cum externis comparari solent.
Cum externis corporis hoc modo compai-antur, valere
ut malis quam dives esse, [cum corporis externa hoc
modo, dives esse potius quam maximis corporis viri-
bus,]^ ipsa inter se corporis sic, ut bona valetudo
voluptati anteponatur, vires celeritati, externorum
autem, ut gloi"ia divitiis, vectigaHa urhana rusticis.
89 Ex quo genere comparationis illud est Catonis senis :
^Sed . . . disputatum est transposed from § 90 by Unger,
Edd. ^vellem c p, Bt.', Ed.; not in B H a b, Bt.«
^ lanunt c, Edd.; ianuae B H a b p.
*\et . . . corporis\ bracketed by Unger, Edd.
' \cuni corporis . . . corporis viribus] bracketed by Ungcr,
Edd.
?64
BOOK II. xxiv-xxv
As for property, it is a duty to make money, but Finance.
only by honourable means; it is a duty also to save
it and increase it by care and thrift. These prin-
ciples Xenophon, a pupil of Socrates, has set forth
most happily in his book entitled Oeconomicus."
When I was about your present age, I translated it
from the Greek into Latin.
But this whole subject of acquiring money, invest-
ing money (l wish I could include also spending
money) is more profitably discussed by certain worthy
gentlemen on 'Change" than could be done by any
philosophers of any school. For all that, we must
take cognizance of them ; for they come fitly under
the head of expediency, and that is the subject of
the present book.
XXV. But it is often necessary to weigh one Comparison of
expediency against another ; — for this, as I stated, is a «xp^diencies.
fourth point overlooked by Panaetius. For not only
are pliysical advantages regularly compared with out-
ward advantages [and outward^ with physical], but
physical advantages are compared with one another,
and outward with outward. Physical advantages
are compared with outward advantages in some such
way as this : one may ask whether it is more desir-
able to have health than wealth; [external advan-
tages with physical, thus : whether it is better to have
wealth than extraordinary bodily strength;] while
tlie physical advantages may be weighed against one
another, so that good health is preferred to sensual
pleasure, strength to agility. Outward advantages
also may be weighed against one another : glory, for
example, may be preferred to riches, an income
derived IVom city property to one derived from the
farm. To this class of comparisons belongs that
265
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
a qu6 cum quaereretur, quid maxime in re familiari
expediretj respondit: Bene pascere " ; quid secun-
dum: Satis bene pascere " ; quid tertium : ^ Male
pascere"; quidquartum: Arare"; et cum ille, qui
quaesierat, dixisset: Quid faenerari?", tum Cato:
"Quid hominem," inquit, occidere?"
Ex quo et multis aliis intellegi debet utilitatum
comparationes fieri solere, recteque hoc adiunctum
esse quartum exquirendorum officiorum genus.^
Reliqua deinceps persequemur.
^ guid tertium : " Male pasaere " c p, Edd. ; not in B H a b.
'■^ officiorum genus. Heie foUows in MSS. Sed toto . . . dis-
putatum est transposed to § 87.
^m
BOOK II. XXV
famous saying of old Cato's : when he was asked
what was the most profitable feature of an estate^ he
replied : Raising cattle successfully." What next
to that? Raising cattle with fair success." And
next? Raising cattle with but slight success."
And fourth? Raising crops." And when his
questioner said, How about money-lending ? " Cato
replied: How about murder?"
From this as well as from many other incidents we
ought to realize that expediencies have often to be
weighed against one another and that it is proper
for us to add this fourth division in the discussion of
moral duty.
Let us now pass on to the remaining problems.
267
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
BOOK III
THE CONFLICT BETWEEN THE
RIGHT AND THE EXPEDIENT
LIBER TERTIUS
I. P. Scipionem, M.^ fili, eum, qui primus Africa-
nus appellatus est, dicere solitum scripsit Cato, qui
fuit eius fere aequalis, numquam se minus otiosum
essej quam cum otiosus^ nec minus solum, quam cum
solus esset. Magnifica vero vox et magno viro ac
sapiente digna ; quae declarat illum et in otio de ne-
gotiis cogitare et in solitudine secum loqui solitum,
ut neque cessaret umquam et interdum colloquio
alterius non egeret. Ita duae res, quae languorem
afFerxmt ceteris, illum acuebant, otium et solitudo.
Vellem nobis hoc idem vere dicere liceret; sed si
minus imitatione tantam ingenii praestantiam con-
sequi possumus, voluntate certe proxime accedimus ;
nam et a re publica forensibusque negotiis armis
impiis vique prohibiti otium persequimur et ob eam
causam urbe relicta rura peragrantes saepe soli
sumus.
Sed nec hoc otium cum Africani otio nec haec
solitudo cum illa comparanda est. Ille enim requi-
escens a rei publicae pulcherrimis muneribus otium
sibi sumebat ahquando et e^ coetu hominum fre-
quentiaque interdum tamquam in portum se in soli-
' J/. Nonius ; Marce MSS.
*e c, Edd. ; a a ; not in B H b.
270
BOOK III
I. CatOj who was of about the same years, Marcus, Preface: Scipio
my son, as that Publius Scipio who first bore the *°'^^'"'°-
surname of Africanus, has given us the state-
ment that Scipio used to say that he was never less
idle than when he had nothing to do and never less
lonely than when he was alone. An admirable
sentiment, in truth, and becoming to a great and
wise man. It shows that even in his leisure hours
^is thoughts were occupied with public business and
that he used to commune with himself when alone ;
and so not only was he never unoccupied, but he
sometimes had no need for company. The two
conditionsj then, that prompt others to Idleness —
leisure and sohtude — only spijrred him on. I wish
I could say the same of myself and say it truly. But
if by imitation I cannot attain to such excellence of
character, in aspiration, at all events, I approach it as
nearly as I can ; for as I am kept by force of armed
treason away from practical pohtics and from my
practice at the bar, I am now leading a life of leisure.
For that reason I have left the city and, wandering in
the country from place to place, I am often alone.
But I should not compare this leisure of mine
with that of Africanus, nor this soHtude with his.
For he, to find leisure from his splendid services
to his country, used to take a vacation now and then
and to retreat from the assembhes and the throngs
of men into solitude, as into a haven of rest. But
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
tudinem recipiebat^ nostrum autem otium negotii
inopia, non requiescendi studio constitutum est.
Exstincto enim senatu deletisque iudiciis quid est
quod dignum nobis aut in curia aut in foro agere
3 possimus? Ita, qui in maxima celebritate atque in
oculis civium quondam vixerimus, nunc fugientes
conspectum sceleratorum, quibus omnia redundant,
abdimus nos, quantum licet, et saepe soli sumus. Sed
quia sic ab hominibus doctis accepimus, non solum
ex malis eligere minima oportere, sed etiam excer-
pere ex his ipsis,^ si quid inesset boni, propterea et
otio fruor, non illo quidem, quo debebat is,^ qui
quondam peperisset otium civitati, nec eam solitu-
dinem languere patior, quam mihi affert necessitas,
non voluntas.
4 Quamquam Africanus maiorem laudem meo iudicio
assequebatur. Nulla enim eius ingenii monumenta
mandata litteris, nullum opus otii, nullum sohtudinis
munus exstat; ex quo intellegi debet illum mentis
agitatione investigationeque earum rerum, quas
cogitando consequebatur, nec otiosum nec solum
umquam fuisse ; nos autem, qui non tantum roboris
habemus, ut cogitatione tacita a* solitudine abstra-
hamur, ad hanc scribendi operam omne studium
curamque convertimus. Itaque plura brevi tempore
eversa quam multis annis stante re publica scripsi-
mus.
^ex his tpsis c, Edd. ; ex his a ; ex ipsis B H b.
^debehat is c, Edd.; dcbeat B H b; debcat is corr. 'v\
debeat a.
'a c, Edd. ; not in B H a b.
272
BOOK III.
my leisure is foreed upon me by want of public Theorator*t
1 . . . j 1 1 • /• retirement.
busmess, not prompted by any desire for repose.
For now that the senate has been abolished and the
courts have been closed, what is there, in keeping with
my self-respect, that I can do either in the senate-
chamber or in the forum? So, although I once
lived amid throngs of people and in the greatest
publicity, I am now shunning the sight of the mis-
creants with whom the world abounds and with-
drawing from the public eye as far as I may, and I
am often alone, But I have learned from philoso-
phers that among evils one ought not only to choose
the least, but also to extract even from these any
element of good that they may contain. For that
reason, I am turning my leisure to account — thougli
it is not such repose as the man should be entitled
to who once brought the state repose from civil
strife — and I am not letting this solitude, which
necessity and not my will imposes on me, find me idle.
And yet, in my judgment, Africanus earned the
higher praise. For no literary monuments of his
genius have been published, we have no work pro-
duced in his leisure hours, no product of his solitude.
From this fact we may safely infer that, because ot
the activity of his mind and the study of those prob-
lems to which he used to direct his thought, he
was never unoccupied, never lonely. But I have
not strength of mind enough by means of silent
meditation to forget my solitude; and so I have
turned all my attention and endeavour to this kind
of literary work. I have, accordingly, written more
in this short time since the downfall of the republic
than I did in the course of many years, while the
republic stood.
T 278
CiCERO DE OFFICIIS
5 II. Sed cum tota philosophia, mi Cicero, frugifera
et fructuosa nec ulla pars eius inculta ac deserta sit,
tum nullus feracior in ea locus est nec uberior ^ quam
de officiis, a quibus constanter honesteque vivendi
praecepta ducuntur. Quare, quamquam a Cratippo
nostrOj principe huius memoriae philosoph( am, haec
te assidue audire atque accipere confido, tamen con-
ducere arbitror talibus aures tuas vocibus undique
circumsonare, nec eas, si fieri possit, quicquam ahud
6 audire. Quod cum omnibus est faciendum, qui
vitam honestam ingredi cogitant, tum haud scio an
nemini potius quam tibi; sustines enim non parvam
exspectationem imitandae industriae nostrae, magnam
honorum, non nullam fortasse nominis. Suscepisti
onus praeterea grave et Athenarum et Cratippi ; ad
quos cum tamquam ad mercaturam bonarum artium
sis profectus, inanem redire turpissimum est dede-
corantem et urbis auctoritatem et magistri. Quare,
quantum coniti animo potes, quantum labore con-
tendere, si discendi labor est potius quam voluptas,
tantum fac ut efficias neve committas, ut, cum'
omnia suppeditata sint a nobis, tute tibi defuisse
videare.
Sed haec hactenus; multa enim saepe ad te
«74
*uberior c, Edd.; uerior B H a b.
'ut, cum c, Edd.; ut ne, cum B II a b.
BOOK III. ii
II. But, my dear Cicero, while tlie whole field of YoungCicero
1 ., 1 • /• fi 1 1 ,. 1 .. admonished to
pnilosophy is lertile and productive and no portiou diligence in bis
of it bai-ren and waste, still no part is richer or more ®'"'^'^*-
fruitful than that which deals with nioral duties ; for
from these are derived the rules for leading a con-
sistent and moral hfe. And therefore, although
you are, as I trust, dihgently studying and profiting
by these precepts under the direction of our friend
Cratippus, the foremost philosopher of the present
age, I still think it well that your ears should be
dinned with such precepts from every side and that,
if it could be, they should hear nothing else.
These precepts must be laid to heart by all who
look forward to a career of honour, and I am
inchned to think that no one needs them more than
you. For you will have to fulfil the eager anticipa-
tion that you will imitate my industry, the confident
expectation that you will emulate my course of pohtical
honours, and the hope that you will, perhaps, rival my
name and fame. You have, besides, incurred a heavy
responsibihty on account of Athens and Cratippus :
for since you have gone to them for the purchase,
as it were, of a store of Hberal culture, it would be
a great discredit to you to return empty-handed,
tliereby disgracing the high reputation of the city
and of your master. Therefore, put forth the best
mental effort of which you are capable; work as
hard as you can (if learning is work rather than
pleasure); do your very best to succeed; and do not,
when I have put all the necessary means at your
disposal, allow it to be said that you have failed to
do your part.
But enough of this. For I have written again
and again for your encouragement. Let us now
to 275
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
cohortandi gratia scripsimus; nunc ad reliquam
partem propositae divisionis revertamur.
7 Panaetius igitur, qui sine controversia de officiis
accuratissime disputavit, quemque nos correctione
quadam adhibita potissimum secuti sumus, tribus
generibus propositis, in quibus deUberare homines et
consultare de officio solerent, uno, cum dubitarent,
honestumne id esset, de quo ageretur, an turpe,
altero, utilene esset an inutile, tertio, si id, quod
speciem haberet honesti, pugnaret cum eo, quod
utile videretur, quo modo ea discerni oporteret, de
duobus generibus primis tribus hbris exphcavit, de
tertio autem genere deinceps se scripsit dicturum nec
8 exsolvit id, quod promiserat. Quod eo magis miror,
quia scriptum a discipulo eius Posidonio est triginta
annis vixisse Panaetium, posteaquam illos hbros
edidisset. Quem locum miror a Posidonio breviter
esse tactum in quibusdam commentariis, praesertim
cum scribat nullum esse locum in tota philosophia
tam necessarium.
9 Minime vero assentior iis, qui negant eum locum
a Panaetio praetermissum, sed consulto rehctum, nec
omnino scribendum fuisse, quia numquam posset
utihtas cum honestate pugnare. De quo alterum
potest habere dubitationem, adhibendumne fuerit
hoc genus, quod in divisione Panaeti tertium est, an
plane omittendum, alterum dubitari non potest, quin
276
feOOK tit ii
return to the remaiiiing section of our subjeet as
outlined.
Panaetius, then, has given us what is unquestion- Panaetiuson
ably the most thorough discussion of moral duties MoralDuties.
that we have, and I have followed him in the main
— but with shght modifications. He classifies under ■
three general heads the ethical problems which
people are accustomed to consider and weigh : first,
the question whether the matter in hand is morally
right or morally wrong ; second, whether it is ex-
pedient or inexpedient ; third, how a decision ought
to be reached, in case tliat which has the appearance
of being morally right clashes with that which seems
to be expedient. He has treated the first two heads
at length in three books ; but while he has stated
that he meant to discuss the third head in its proper
turn, he has never fulfilled his promise. And I
wonder the more at this, because Posidonius, a pupil
of his, records that Panaetius was still aUve thirty
years after he pubhshed those three books. And I
am surprised that Posidonius has but briefly touched
upon this subject in certain memoirs of his, and
especially, as he states that there is no otlier topic in
the whole range of philosophy so essentially impor-
tant as this.
Now, I cannot possibly accept the view of those Why Panaetius
who say that that point was not overlooked but pur- °'confl'|cr^ of
posely omitted by Panaetius, and that it was not one ^^^ moral and
,1 , j j j. • 1 ii theexpedient.
that ever needed discussion, because there never can
be such a thing as a conflict between expediency and
moral rectitude. But with regard to this assertion,
the one point may admit of doubt — whether that
question which is third in Panaetius's classification
ought to have been included or omitted altogether;
277
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
a Panaetio susceptum sit, sed relictum. Nam qui e
divisione tripertita duas partes absolverit, huic
nccesse est restare tertiam; praeterea in extremo
libro tertio de hac parte polHcetur se deinceps esse
1 0 dicturum. Accedit eodem testis locuples Posidonius,
qui etiam scribit in quadam epistula P. RutiHum
Rufum dicere solere, qui Panaetium audierat, ut
nemo pictor esset inventus, qui in Coa Venere eam
partem, quam Apelles inchoatam reliquisset, absol-
veret (oris enim pulchritudo reliqui corporis imitandi
spem auferebat), sic ea, quae Panaetius praetermi-
sisset [et non perfecisset] * propter eorum, quae per-
fecisset, praestantiam neminem persecutum.
11 III. Quam ob rem de iudicio Panaeti dubitari non
potest; rectene autem hanc tertiam partem ad ex-
quirendum officium adiunxerit an secus, de eo for-
tasse disputari potest. Nam, sive honestum solum
bonum est, ut Stoicis placet, sive, quod honestum
est, id ita summum bonum est, quem ad modum
Peripateticis vestris videtur, ut omnia ex altera parte
collocata vix minimi momenti instar habeant, dubi-
tandum non est, quin numquam possit utilitas cum
honestate contendere. Itaque accepimus Socratem
exsecrari solitum eos, qui primum haec natura cohae-
rentia opinione distraxissent. Cui quidem ita sunt
Stoici assensi, ut et, quicquid lionestum esset, id
^etnonperfecisset MSS.; del. Muretus; bracketedby Edd.
278
BOOK III. ii-iii
but the other point is not open to debate — that it
was included in Panaetius's plan but left unwritten.
For if a writer Jias finished two divisions of a three-
fold subject, the third must necessarily remain for
him to do. Besides, he promises at the close of the
third book that he will discuss this division also in its
proper turn. We have also in Posidoniiis a com-
petent witness to the fact. He writes in oiie of his
ietters that Publius Rutihus Rufus, who also was a
pupil of Panaetius's, used to say that as no painter
had been found to complete that part of the Venus ot
Cos which Apelles had left unfinished (for the beauty
of her face made hopeless any attempt adequately to
represent the rest of the figure), so no one, because
of the surpassing excellence of what Panaetius did
complete, would venture to supply what he had left
nndone."
III. In regard to Panaetius's real intentions, rheconflict
therefore, no doubt can be entertained. But dfemfy an/^*"
whether he was or was not iustified in adding this Morai Rectitude
" , only apparent.
third division to the inquiry about duty may, per-
haps, be a matter for debate. For whether moraiL
goodness is the only good, as the Stoics believe, or
whether, as your Peripatetics think, moral goodness
is in so far the highest good that everything else
gathered together into the opposing scale would
have scarcely the slightest weight, it is beyond
question that expediency can never conflict with
moral rectitude. And so, we have heard, Socrates
used to pronounce a curse upon those who first drew
a conceptual distinction between things naturally
inseparable. With this doctrine the Stoics are in
agreement in so far as they maintain that if anything
279
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
uthe esse censerent nec utile quicquam, quod .lon
honestum.
12 Quodsi is esset Panaetius, qui virtutem propterea
colendam diceret, quod ea efficiens utilitatis esset,
ut ii, qui res expetendas vel voluptate vel indolentia
metiuntur, liceret ei dicere utilitatem aliquando
cum honestate pugnare ; sed cum sit is^ qui id solum
bonom iudicet, quod honestum sit, quae autem huic
repugnent specie quadam utilitatis, eorum neque
accessione meliorem vitam fieri nec decessione
peiorem, non videtur debuisse eius modi delibera-
tionem introducere, in qua, quod utile videretur,
13 cum eo, quod honestum est, compararetur. Etenim
quod summum bonum a Stoicis dicitur, convenienter
naturae vivere, id habet hanc, ut opinor, sententiam :
cum virtute congruere semper, cetera autem, quae
secundum naturam essent, ita legere, si ea virtuti
non repugnarent. Quod cum ita sit, putant quidam
hanc comparationem non recte introductam, nec
omnino de eo genere quicquam praecipiendum fuisse.
Atque^ illud quidem honestum, quod proprie
vereque dicitur, id in sapientibus est solis neque a
virtute divelli umquam potest; in iis autem, in qui-
bus sapientia perfecta non est, ipsum illud qui-
dem perfectum honestum nuUp modo, similitu-
14 dines honesti esse possunt. Haec enim officia, de
quibus his Hbris disputamus, media Stoici appellant;
ea communia sunt et late patent; quae et ingenii
^Atque MSS., Bt.', Miiller, Heine ; atqui Fleckeisen,
Bt.», Ed.
• See note on I, 8.
880
BOOK III. iii
is morally right, it is expedient, and if anything is
not morally right, it is not expedient.
But if Panaetius were the sort of man to say that
virtue is worth cultivating only because it is produc-
tive of advantage, as do certain philosophers who
measure the desirableness of things by the standard
of pleasure or of absence of pain, he might argue that
expediency sometimes clashes with moral rectitude.
But since he is a man who judges that the morally
right is the only good, and that tliose things which
come in conflict with it have only the appearance of
expediency and cannot make life any better by their
presence nor any worse by their absence, it follows
that he ought not to have raised a question involv-
ing the weighing of what seems expedient against
what is morally right. Furthermore, when the
Stoics speak of the supreme good as "-living coniorm-
ably to nature," they mean, as I take it, something
like this : that we are always to be in accord with
virtue, and from all other things that may be in
harmony with nature to choose only such as are not
incompatible with virtue. This being so, some
people are of the opinion that it was not riglit to
introduce this counterbalancing of right and expedi-
ency and that no practical instruction should have
been given on this question at all.
And yet moral goodness, in the true and proper
sense of the term, is the exclusive possession of the
wise and can never be separated from virtue; but
those who have not perfect wisdom cannot possibly
have perfect moral goodness, but only a semblance
of it. And indeed these duties under discussion in
these books the Stoics call mean duties " ^; they are a xhe "absoiute
common possession and have wide application ; and ^*"^ ^^ "mean
S81
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
honitate multi assequuntur et progressione discendi.
Illud autem officium, quod rectum idem appellant,
perfectum atque absolutum est et, ut idem dicunt,
omnes numeros habet nec praeter sapientem cadere
15 in quemquam potest. Cum autem aliquid actum
est, in quo media officia compareant,^ id cumulate
videtur esse perfectum, propterea quod volgus, quid
ahsit a perfecto, non fere intellegit; quatenus autem
intellegit, nihil putat praetermissum ; quod idem^in
poematis, in picturis usu venit in ahisque compluri- ,.
bus, ut delectentur imperiti laudentque ea, quae lau- J^
danda non sint, ob eam, credo, causam, quod insit in
iis^ aUquid probi, quod capiat ignaros, qui quidem,*
quid in una quaque re vitii sit, nequeant iudicare ; ita-
que, cum sunt docti a peritis, desistunt facile sententia.
IV. Haec igitur officia, de quihus his Hbris disseri-
mus, quasi secunda quaedam lionesta esse dicunt,
non sapientium modo propria, sed cum omni homi-
16 num genere communia. Itaque iis omnes, in quibus
est virtutis indoles, commoventur. Nec vero, cum
duo Decii aut duo Scipiones fortes viri commemo-
rantur, aut cum Fabricius [aut Aristides]^ iustus
nominatur, aut ab ilHs fortitudinis aut ab hoc*' iustitiae
tamquam a sapiente petitur exemplum ; nemo enim
^ compareant Anemoecius, Edd.; comparant B H a b;
appareant c ; comparent p.
^idem Nonius, Muller, Heine \autcm B H a b ; item c, Bt.
3 iis Baiter, Miiller, Hetne ; his B H a b ; hijs c.
* qui quidem many MSS., B\^,Mu\\Gr;quiidem B H abc ;
qui[idem]Bi.^,\le\ne. ^ aut Aristides (Aristidesve p)
MSS., Lactantius; bracketed by J. M. Heuainger, Edd.
^hoc Lactantius, Edd., his MSS^^
aLe.,fills all the requirements of absoluteperfection— an
allusion to the Pylhagorean doctrine that specific numbers
stand for perfection of specific kinds; " absolute duty"
«^■Tibines them all.
■282
BOOK III. iii-iv
many people attain to the knowledge of them through
natural goodness of heart and through advancement
in Learning. But that duty which those same Stoics call
right" is perfect and absolute and satisfies all the
numbers," ^ as that same school says, and is attainable
1 5 by none except the wise man. On the other hand,
when some act is performed in which we see mean"
duties manifested, that is generally regarded as
fully perfect, for the reason that the common crowd
does not, as a rule, comprehend how far it falls shortof
real perfection; but as far as their comprehension
does go, they think there is no deficiency. This same
thing ordinarily occurs in the estimation of poems,
paintings, and a great many other works of art:
ordinary people enjoy and praise things that do not
deserve praise. The reason for this, I suppose, is
that those productions have some point of excellence
which catches the fancy of the uneducated, because
these have not the ability to discover the points of
weakness in any particular piece of work before
them. And so, when they are instructed by experts,
they readily abandon their former opinion.
IV. The performance of the duties, then, which I Absoiute good-
am discussing in these books, is called by the Stoics "e^^^huma^hyr
a sort of second-grade moralgoodness,notthe peculiar
property of theirwise men,butshared bythem withall
1 6 mankind. Accordingly, such duties appeal to all men
who have a natural disposition to virtue. And when
the two Decii or the two Scipios are mentioned as
brave men" or Fabricius [or Aristides] is called "the
just," it is not at all that the former are quoted as
perfect models of courage or the latter as a perfect
model of justice, as if we had in one of them the
ideal wise man." For no one of them was wise in
283
CICERO DE OFFICllS
horum sic sapiens,ut sapientem volumus intellegi, nec
ii, qui sapientes habiti et nominati, M. Cato et C.
Laelius, sapientes fuerunt, ne illi quidem septem,
sed ex mediorum officiorum frequentia simiUtudinem
quandam gerebant speciemque sapientium.
17 Quocirca nec id, quod vere honestum est, fas est
cum utiUtatis repugnantia comparari, nec id, quod
communiter appellamus honestum, quod colitur ab
iis, qui bonos se viros haberi volunt, cum emolumen-
tis umquam est comparandum, tamque id honestum,
quod in nostram intellegentiam cadit, tuendum
conservanduinque nobis est quam illud, quod proprie
dicitur vereque est honestum, sapientibus; aUter
enim teneri non potest, si qua ad virtutem est facta
progressio.
Sed haec quidem de iis, qui conservatione officio-
rum existimantur boni.
18 Qui autem omnia metiuntur emolumentis et com-
modis neque ea volunt praeponderari honestate, ii
solent in deUberando honestum cum eo, quod utile
putant, comparare, boni viri non solent. Itaque
existimo Panaetium, cum dixerit homines solere in
hac comparatione dubitare, lioc ipsum sensisse, quod
dixerit, solere"modo,nonetiam oportere." Etenim
non modo pluris putare, quod utile videatur, quam
284
BOOK III. iv
the sense in which avc wish to have wise " understood ;
neither were Marcus Cato and Gaius LaeHus wise,
though they were so considered and were surnamed
'the wise." Not even the famous Seven were
wise." But because of their constant observance of
mean" duties they bore a certain semblance and
Hkeness to wise men.
For these reasons it is unlawful either to weigh
true morahty against conflicting expediency, or
common morahty, which is culiivated by those who
wish to be considered good men, against what
is profitable ; but we every-day people must observe
and Hve up to that moral right which comes
within the range of our comprehension as jealously
as the truly wise men have to observe and Hve up
to that which is moraHy right in the technical and
true sense of the word. For otherwise we cannot
maintain such progress as we have made in the
direction of virtue.
So much for those who have won a reputation for
being good men by their careful observance of duty.
Those, on the other hand, who measure every- Morai rectitude
thing by a standard of profits and personal advantage exped^ency"'
and refuse to have these outweighed by considera-
tions of moral rectitude are accustomed, in consider-
ing any question, to weigh the moraHy right against
what they think the expedient; good men are not.
And so I beHeve that when Panaetius stated that
people were accustomed to hesitate to do such
weighing, he meant precisely what he said — merely
that such was their custom," not that such was
their duty. And he gave it no approval ; for it is
most immoral to think more highly of the apparently
expedient than of the moraHy right, or even to set
885
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quod honestum sit/ sed etiam haec inter se compa-
rare et in his addubitare turpissimum est.
Quid ergo est, quod non numquam dubitationem
afferre soleat considerandumque videatur? Credo,
si quandp dubitatio accidit, quale sit id, de quo con-
19 sideretur. Saepe enim tempore fit, ut, quod turpe
plerumque haberi soleat, inveniatur non esse turpe ;
exempH causa ponatur aliquid, quod pateat latius :
Quod potest maius esse scelus quam non modo
hominem, sed etiam famiharem hominem occidere?
Num igitur se astrinxit scelere, si qui tyrannum
occidit quamvis famiUarem ? Populo quidem Romano
non videtur, qui ex omnibus praeclaris factis illud
pulcherrimum existimat. Vicit ergo utilitas hone-
statem ? Immo vero honestas utihtatem secuta est. ^
Itaque, ut sine ullo errore diiudicare possimus, si
quando cum illo, quod honestum intellegimus, pu-
gnare id videbitur, quod appellamus utile, formula
quaedam constituenda est; quam si sequemur in
comparatione rerum, ab officio numquam recedemus.
20 Erit autem haec formula Stoicorum rationi discipU-
naeque maxime consentanea ; quam quidem his hbris
propterea sequimur, quod, quamquam et a veteribus
Academicis et a Peripateticis vestris, qui quondam
idem erant, qui Academici, quae honesta sunt, ante-
ponuntur iis, quae videntur utiha, tamen splendidius
^sit c, Bt.», Muller ; not in B H a b, Bt.» ; est Heine.
* esse c, Edd. ; not in B H a b.
^ utilitatem secuta ^s/MSS., Miiller, Hexne ; utilitatetn ;
honestatem utilitas secuta est Baiter, Ed.
286
BOOK III. iv
these over against each other and to hesitate to
choose between them.
What, then, is it that may sometimes give room Occasion for
for a doubt and seem to call for consideration ? It ^°^^^-
is, I believej when a question arises as to the cliar-
acter of an action under consideration. For it often
happens, owing to exceptional circumstances, that
what is accustomed under ordinary circumstances to
be considered morally wrong is found not to be
morally wrong. For the sake of illustration, let us
assume some particular case that admits of wider
application : what more atrocious crime can there be
than to kill a fellow-man, and especially an intimate
friend ? But if anyone kills a tyrant — be he never
so intimate a friend — he has not laden his soul with
guilt, has he ? The Roman People, at all events, are
not of that opinion ; for of all glorious deeds they
hold such an one to be the most noble. Has expedi-
ency, then, prevailed over moral rectitude ? Not at
all; moral rectitude has gone hand in hand with
expediency.
Some general rule, therefore, should be laid down Need of a ruie
to enable us to decide without error, whenever ^°'^^""**°'^^"
what we call the expedient seems to clash with what
we feel to be morally right; and if we follow that
rule in comparing courses of conduct, we shall never
swerve from the path of duty. That rule, more-
over, shall be in perfect harmony with the Stoics'
system and doctrines. It is their teachings that
I am following in these books, and for this
reason: the older Academicians and your Peripa-
tetics (who were once the same as the Academi-
cians) give what is morally right the preference over
what seems expedient; and yet the discussion of
287
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
haec ab eis disserunturj ^ quibus, quicquid honestum
est, idem utile videtur nec utile quicquam^ quod non
honestum, quam ab iis,^ quibus et honestum aliquid
non utile et utile^ non honestum. Nobis autem
nostra Academia magnam licentiam dat, ut, quod-
cumque maxime probabile occurrat, id nostro iure
liceat defendere. Sed redeo ad formulam.
21 V. Detrahere igitur alteri aliquid et hominem
hominis incommodo suum commodum augere magis
est contra naturam quam mors, quam paupertas,
quam dolor, quam cetera, quae possunt aut corpori
accidere aut rebus externis. Nam principio tollit
convictum humanum et societatem. Si enim sic
erimus affecti, ut propter Guum quisque emolumen-
tum spoliet aut violet alterum, disrumpi necesse est,
eam quae maxime est secundum naturam, humani
22 generis societatem. Ut, si unum quodque mem-
brum sensum hunc haberet, ut posse putaret se
valere, si proximi membri valetudinem ad se tradu-
xisset, debilitari et interire totum corpus necesse
esset, sic, si unus quisque nostrum ad se rapiat com-
moda aliorum detrahatque, quod cuique possit,
emolumenti sui gratia, societas hominum et com-
munitas evertatur necesse est. Nam sibi ut quisque
malit, quod ad usum vitae pertineat, quam alteri
acquirere, concessum est non repugnante natura,
* dtsseruniur certsLin MSS., C. Lange and Fr. Fabricius,
Miiller, Heine ; disserentur MSS., Bt.
'^iis Edd.; his {hijs c) MSS.
^et honestum . . . . et tttile Lambinus, Bt.', Miiller, Heine,
et honestum .... aut utile B H a b ; aut honestum .... aut
utile c, Bt.'
288
BOOK III iv-v
these problems, if conducted by those who consider
whatever is morally right also expedient and nothing
expedient that is not at the same time morally right,
will be more illuminating than if conducted by those
who think that something not expedient may be
morally right and that something not morally right
may be expedient. But our New Academy allows
us wide Hberty, so that it is within my right to
defend any theory that presents itself to me asmost
probable. But to return to my rule.
V. Well then, for a man to take something from Wrongfui gains
his neighbour and to profit by his neighbour's loss is faw^f*'"^* *^*
more contrary to nature than is death or poverty or (i)ofnature,
pain or anything else that can affect either our per-
son or our property. For, in the first place, injus-
tice is fatal to social Ufe and fellowship between man
and man. For if we are so disposed that each, to
gain some personal profit, will defraud or injure his
neighbour, then those bonds of human society, which
are most in accord with nature's laws, must of
necessity be broken. Suppose, by way of compari-
son, that each one of our bodily members should con-
ceive this idea and imagine that it could be strong
and well if it should draw off to itself the health and
strength of its neiglibouring member, the whole
body would necessarily be enfeebled and die ; so, if
eacli one of us should seize upon the property of his
neighbours and take from each whatever he could
appropriate to his own use, the bonds of human
society must inevitably be annihilated. For, without
any conflict with nature's laws, it is granted that
everybody may prefer to secure for himself rather
than for his neighbour what is essential for the con-
duct of life; but nature's laws do forbid us to increasf^
u yb'o
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
illud natura non patitur, ut aliorum spoliis nostras
facultates, cbpias, opes augcamus.
23 Neque vero hoc solum natura, id est iure gentium,
sed etiam legibus populorum, quibus in singulis civi-
tatibus res publica continetur, eodem modo consti-
tutum est, ut non liceat sui commodi causa nocere
alteri ; hoc enim spectant leges, hoc volunt, incolu-
mem esse civium coniunctionem ; quam qui diri-
munt, eos morte, exsilio, vinclis, damno coercent.
Atque hoc multo magis efficit ipsa naturae ratio,
quae est lex divina et humana; cui parere qui veUt
(omnes autem parebunt, qui secundum naturam vo-
lent vivere), numquam committet, ut alienum appe-
tat et id, quod altcri detraxerit, sibi adsumat.
24 Etenim multo magis est secundum naturam excel-
sitas animi et magnitudo itemque comitas, iustitia,
liberalitas quam voluptas, quam vita, quam divitiae ;
quae quidem contemnere et pro nihilo ducere com-
parantem cum utilitate communi magni animi et
excelsi est. [Detrahere autem de altero sui com-
modi causa magis est contra naturam quam mors,
quam dolor, quam cetera generis eiusdem.]^
25 Itemque magis est secundum naturam pro omni-
bus gentibus, si fieri possit, conservandis aut iuvandis
maximos labores molestiasque suscipere imitantem
Herculem illum, quem hominum fama beneficiorum
memor in concilio caelestium collocavit, quam vivere
^ Detrahere . . . generis eiusdem MSS. bracketed by
Baitcr, Edd.
2Q0
BOOK III. V
our means, wealth, and resources by despoilin^
others.
3 But this principle is established not by nature's (2) of nations,
laws alone (that is^ by the common rules of equity),
but also by the statutes of particular communities, in
accordance with which in individual states the public
interests are maintained. In all these it is with one
accord ordaiued that no man shall be allowed for the
sake of his own advantage to injure his neighbour,
For it is to this that the laws have regard ; this is
their intent, that the bonds of union between citi-
zens should not be impaired; and any attempt to
destroy these bonds is repressed by the penalty of
deathj exile, imprisonment, or fine.
Again, this principle follows much more efFectually (3) of gods an
directly from the Reason which is in Nature, which ™^°'
is the law of gods and men. If anyone will hearken
to that voice (and all will hearken to it who wisli to
Uve in accord with nature's laws), he will never be
guilty of coveting anything that is his neighbours
or of appropriating to himself what he has taken
24 from his neighbour. Then, too, loftiness and great-
ness of spirit, and courtesy, justice, and generosity
are much more in harmony with nature than are
selfish pleasure, riches, and Hfe itself ; but it requires
a great and lofty spirit to despise these latter and
count them as naught, when one weighs them over
against the common weal. [But for anyone to rob Seif-seeking
his neighbour for his own profit is more contrary to self-sacriflce
nature than death, pain, and the like.]
25 In Hke manner it is more in accord with nature
to emulate the great Hercules and undergo the
greatest toil and trouble for the sake of aiding or
saving the world, if possible, than to live in seclusion,
u2 291
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
in solitudine non modo sine ullis molestiis, sed etiam
in maximis voluptatibus abundantem omnibus copiis,
ut excellas etiam pulchritudine et viribus.
Quocirca optimo quisque et splendidissimo inge-
nio longe illam vitam huic anteponit. Ex quo
efficitur hominem naturae oboedientem homini
nocere non posse.
26 Deinde, qui alterum violat, ut ipse aliquid com-
modi consequatur, aut nihil existimat se facere con-
tra naturam aut magis fugiendam^ censet mortem,
paupertatem, dolorem, amissionem etiam liberorum,
propinquorum, amicorum quam facere cuiquam
iniuriam. Si nihil existimat contra naturam fieri
hominibus violandis, quid cum eo disseras, qui
omnino hominem ex homine tollat? sin fugiendum
id quidem censet, sed^ multo illa peiora, mortem,
paupertatem, dolorem, errat in eo, quod ullum aut
corporis aut fortunae vitium vitiis animi gravius
existimat.
VI. Ergo unum deoet esse omnibus propositum,
ut eadem sit utilitas unius cuiusque et universorum ;
quam si ad se quisque rapiet, dissolvetur omnis
humana consortio.
27 Atque etiam, si hoc natura praescribit, ut homo
^fugiendam b, Y.i\.\ fttgienda B H a c.
*sed c, Edd. ; e/ B H a b.
BOOK III. v-vi
not only free from all care, but revelling in pleasures
and abounding in wealth, while excelling others
also in beauty and strength. Thus Hercules denied
himself and underwent toil and tribulation for the
world, and, out of gratitude for his services, popular
behef has given him a place in the council of the
gods.
The better and more noble, therefore, the charac-
ter with which a man is endowed, the more does he
prefer the life of service to the life of pleasure.
Whence it follows that man, if he is obedient to
nature, cannot do harm to his fellow-man.
Finally, if a man wrongs his neighbour to gain
some advantage for himself, he must either imagine
that he is not acting in defiance of nature or he
must believe that death, poverty, pain, or even the
loss of children, kinsmen, or friends, is more to be
shunned than an act of injustice against another.
If he thinks he is not violating the laws of nature,
when he wrongs his fellow-men, how is one to argue
with the individual who takes away from man all
that makes him man ? But if he believes that while
such a course should be avoided, the other alterna-
tives are much worse — namely, death, poverty, pain
— he is mistaken in thinking that any ills afFecting
either his person or his property are more serious
than those afFecting his soul.
VI. This, then, ought to be the chief end of all The interest oi
men, to make the interest of each individual and of interest ol the
the whole body politic identical. For if the individ- '«"iividuai.
ual appropriates to selfish ends what should be
devoted to the common good, all human fellowship
will be destroyed.
And furtlier, if nature ordains that one man shall
2^3
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
homini, quicumque sit, ob eam ipsam causam, quod
is homo sit, consultum velit, necesse est secundum
eandem naturam omnium utilitatem esse commu-
nem. Quod si ita est, una continemur omnes et
eadem lege naturae, idque ipsum si ita est, certe
violare alterum naturae lege prohibemur. Verum
28 autemprimum; verum igitur extremum. Nam illud
quidem absurdum est, quod quidam dicunt, parenti
se aut fratri nihil detracturos sui commodi causa,
aham rationem esse civium rehquorum. Hi sibi
nihil iuris, nullam societatem communis utiHtatis
causa statuunt esse cum civibus, quae sententia
omnem societatem distrahit civitatis.
Qui autem civium rationem dicunt habendam,
externorum negant, ii dirimunt communem humani
generis societatem ; qua sublata beneficentia, Hbera-
litaSj bonitaSj iustitia funditus tolHtur; quae qui
tollunt, etiam adversus deos immortales impii iudi-
candi sunt. Ab iis enim constitutam inter homines
societatem evertunt, cuius societatis artissimum vin-
culum est magis arbitrari esse contra naturam homi-
nem homini detrahere sui commodi causa quam om-
nia incommoda subire vel externa vel corporis . . .
vel etiam jpsius animi, quae vacent iustitia'"^; haec
enim una virtus omnium est domina et regina vir-
tutum.
' ii Bt., Ed. ; A/ B a b ; hii H ; hij c.
'^ quac vacent iustitia MSS. , Ed., Heine ; quae vacent
iniustitia cod. Ubaldini, Bt.'; quae non v. iustitia O.
«I.e. , there are no circumstances of loss or gain that cai»
warrant a violation of justice.
294
BOOK III. vi
desire to promote the interests of a fellow-man,
whoever he mny be, just because he is a fellow-man,
then it follows, in aceordance with that same nature,
that there are interests that all men have in com-
mon. And if this is true, we are all subject to one
and the same law of nature ; and if this also is true,
we are certainly forbidden by nature's law to wrong
our neighbour. Now the first assumption is true;
therefore the conclusion is likewise true. For that
is an absurd position which is taken by some people,
who say that they will not rob a parent or a brother
for their own gain, but that their relation to the
rest of their fellow-citizens is quite another thing.
Such people contend in essence that they are bound
to their fellow-citizens by no mutual obligations,
social ties, or common interests. This attitude
demolishes the whole structure of civil society.
Others again who say that regard should be had Betterendure
for the rights of fellow-citizens, but not of foreigners, w^rong^afdtow
would destroy the universal brotherhood of man- ^an^oi^g^'"-
kind; and when this is annihilated, kindness,
generosity, goodness, and justice must utterly
perish; and those who work all this destruction
must be considered as wickedly rebelling against
the immortal gods. Por they uproot tlie fellowship
which the gods have established bctween human
beings, and tlie closest bond of this fellowship is
the conviction that it is more repugnant to nature
for man to rob a fellow-man for his own gain tlian
to endure all possible loss, whetlier to his property
or to his person . . . or even to liis very soul — so far
as these losses are not concerned with justice^; for
this virtue is the sovereign mistress and queen of
all the virtues.
295
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
29 Forsitan quispiam dixerit: Nonne igitur sapiens,
si fame ipse conficiatur, abstulerit cibum alteri ho-
mini ad nullam rem utili ? [Minime vero ; non enim
mihi est vita mea utiHor quam animi tahs affectio,
neminem ut violem commodi mei gratia.] ^ Quid ? si
Phalarim, crudelem tyrannum et immanem, virbonus,
ne ipse frigore conficiatur, vestitu spoliare possit,
nonne faciat?
30 Haec ad iudicandum sunt facillima. Nam, si
quid ab homine ad nullam partem utili utilitatis
tuae causa detraxeris, inhumane feceris contraque
naturae legem; sin autem is tu sis, qui multam
utilitatem rei pubhcae atque hominum societati, si in
vita remaneas, afferre possis, si quid ob eam causam
alteri detraxeris, non sit reprehendendum. Sin
autem id non sit eius modi, suum cuique incommo-
dum ferendum est potius quam de alterius commodis
detrahendum. Non igitur magis est contra naturam
morbus aut egestas aut quid eius modi quam detractio
atque appetitio aUeni, sed communis utilitatis dere-
31 lictio contra naturam est; est enim iniusta. Itaque
lex ipsa naturae, quae utiUtatem hominum conservat
et continet, decernet profecto, ut ab homine inerti
atque inutiU ad sapientem, bonum, fortem virum
transferantur res ad vivendum necessariae, qui si
occiderit, muUum de communi utiUtate detraxerit,
modo hoc ita faciat, ut ne ipse de se bene existimans
seseque diUgens hanc causam habeat ad iniuriam.
* Bracketed by Unger, Edd.
296
BOOK III. vi
But, perhaps, some one may say: Well, then,
suppose a wise man were starving to death, might
he not take the bread of some perfectly useless
member of society?" [Not at all; for my hfe is not
more precious to me than that temper of soul which
would keep me from doing wrong to anybody for my
own advantage.] "Oragain; supposing a righteous
man were in a position to rob the cruel and inhuman
tyrant Phalaris of clothing, might he not do it to
keep himself from freezing to death ? "
These cases are very easy to decide. For if merely
for one's own benefit one were to take somethingaway
from a man, though he were a perfectly worthless
fellow, it would be an act of meanness and contrary
to nature's law. But suppose one would be able, Theinterestsoj
by remaining alive, to render signal service to the dedde^about
state and to human society — if from that motive one exceptions.
should take something from another, it would not
be a matter for censure. But if such is not the case,
each one must bear his own burden of distress rather
than rob a neighbour of his rights. We are not to
say, therefore, that sickness or want or any evil of
that sort is more repugnant to nature than to covet
and to appropriate what is one's neighbour's ; but we
do maintain that disregard of the common interests
is repugnant to nature ; for it is unjust. And there-
fore nature's law itself, which protects and conserves
human interests, will surely determine that a man
who is wise, good, and brave, should in emergency
have the neccssaries of life transferred to him from
a person who is idle and worthless; for the good
man's death would be a heavy loss to the common
weal; only let him beware that self-esteem and
self-love do not find in such a transfer of possessions
297
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
Ita semper officio fungetur utilitati consulens homi-
iium et ei, (juam saepe commemoro, humanae
societati.
32 Nam quod ad Phalarim attinet, perfacile iudicium
est. Nulla est enim societas nobis cum tyrannis, et
potius summa distractio est, neque est contra naturam
spoliare eum, si possis, quem est honestum necare,
atque hoc omne genus pestiferum atque impium ex
horainum communitate exterminandum est. Etenim,
ut membra quaedam amputantur, si et ipsa sanguine
et tamquam spiritu carere coeperunt et nocent
reliquis partibus corporis, sic ista in figura hominis
feritas et immanitas beluae a communi tamquara
humanitatis corpore^ segreganda est.
Huius generis quaestiones sunt oranes eae, in
quibus ex tempore officium exquiritur.
33 VII. Eius modi igitur credo res Panaetium perse-
cuturum fuisse, nisi aliqui casus aut occupatio eius
consilium pereraisset. Ad quas ipsas consultationes
superioribus libris satis multa praecepta sunt, ex
quibus^ perspici possit, quid sit propter turpitudinem
fugiendum, quid sit, quod idcirco fugiendum non sit,
quod omnino turpe non sit.
Sed quoniam operi inchoato, prope tamen absoluto
tamquara fastigiura imponinius, ut geometrae solent
non orania docere, sed postulare, ut quaedara sibi
concedantur, quo facihus, quae volunt, expUcent, sic
' humanitatis corpore Murei, cod. Guelf., Ed., Bt., Heine ;
humanitate corporis MSS., Miiller ; Unger strikes out
corporis.
'^ superioribus . . . ex quibus Walker, Bl.*, Ed. ; ex superi-
oribiis. . . 9?</dwsMSS., Bi.^;superioribus . . . ywjAMS^Heine.
898
BOOK III. vi-vii
a pretext for wrong-doing. But thus guided in his
decision, the good man will always perform his duty,
promoting the general interests of human society on
which I am so fond of dwelling.
As for the case of Phalaris, a decision is quite No duty due lo
simple : we have no ties of fellowship with a tyrant, * ^^^" '
but rather the bitterest feud ; and it is not opposed
to nature to rob, if one can, a man whom it is morally
right to kill ; — nay, all that pestilent and abominable
race sliould be exterminated from human society.
And this may be done by proper measures; for as
certain members are amputated, if they shoAV signs
themselves of being bloodless and virtually hfeless
and thus jeopardize the health of the other parts of
the body, so those fierce and savage monsters in
human form should be cut ofF from what may be
called the common body of humanity.
Of this sort are all those problems in wliich we
have to determine what moral duty is, as it varies
with varying circumstances.
VII. It is subjects of this sort that I believe
Panaetius would have followed up, had not some
accident or business interfered with his design. For
the elucidation of these very questions there are in
his former books rules in plenty, from which one
can learn what should be avoided because of its im-
morality and what does not have to be avoided for
the reason that it is not immoral at all.
We are now putting the capstone, as it were, upon
Dur structure, which is unfinished to be sure, but still
almost completed; and as matheraaticians make a
practice of not demonstrating every proposition but
require that certain axioms be assumed as true, iii
prder inore easily to explain their meanLng, so, my
299
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
ego a te postulo, mi Cicero, ut mihi coneedas, si
potes, nihil praeter id, quod honestum sit, propter
se esse expetendum. Sin hoc non licet per Cratip-
pum, at illud certe dabis, quod honestum sit, id esse
maxime propter se expetendum. Mihi utrumvis
satis est et tum hoc, tum illud probabilius videtur
nec praeterea quicquam probabile.
S4 Ac primum in hoc Panaetius defendendus est,
quod non utilia cum honestis pugnare aliquando
posse dixerit (neque enim ei fas erat), sed ea, quae
viderentur utiHa. Nihil vero utile, quod non idem
honestum, nihil honestum, quod non idem utile sit,
saepe testatur negatque ullam pestem maiorem in
vitam liominum invasisse quam eorum opinionem,
qui ista distraxerint. Itaque, non ut aliquando
anteponeremus utiha honestis, sed ut ea sine errore
diiudicarenius, si quando incidissent,^ induxit eam,
quae videretur esse, non quae esset,* repugnantiam.
Hanc igitur partem rehctam explebimus nullis
adminicuHs, sed, ut dicitur, Marte nostro. Neque
enim quicquam est de hac parte post Panaetium
expHcatum, quod quidem mihi probaretur, de iis,
quae in manus meas venerunt. ^
^ ea . . . incidissent MSS., Bt.', Heine, Ed. ; eam [repugf-
nantiam]. . . incidisset Unger, Bt.*
"^ venerunt Manutius, Edd. ; venerint MSS.
aAs a Peripatetic, Cratippus insisted that there was
natural good as well as moral good ; thus health, honour,
etc, were good and worth seeliing- for their own sake,
though in less degree than virtue. But the Stoics (and
Cicero is now spealting as a Stoic) called all those other
blessings not"good" nor " worth seeking for their own
sake," but "inditTerent."
bWith this he waves aside, without even the honour of
mentioning them, the Epicureans, Cyrenaics, etc,
c Because he was a Stoic.
300
BOOK III. vii
dear Cicero, I ask you to assume with me, if you can, Morai Right
that nothing is worth the seeking for its own sake or the chk^goi
except what is morally right. But if Cratippus* does
not permit this assumption, you will still grant this
at least — that what is morally right is the object
most worth the seeking for its own sake. Either
alternative is sufficient for my purposes ; first the one
and then the other seems to me the more probable;
and besides these, there is no other alternative that
seems probable at all.''
In the iirst place, I must undertake the defence Vindication of
of Panaetius on this point ; for he has said not that nothlng «n b*
the truly expedient could under certain circum- expedient that
1111 11 i//'i 11 notmorally
stances clash with the morally right {ior he could right.
not have said that conscientiously *^), but only that
what seemed expedient could do so. For he often
bears witness to the fact that nothing is really ex-
pedient that is not at the same time morally right,
and nothing morally right that is not at the same
time expedient ; and he says that no greater curse
has ever assailed human Hfe than the doctrine of
those who have separated these two conceptions. And
so he introduced an apparent, not a real, conflict
between them, not to the end that we should under
certain circumstances give the expedient preference
over the moral, but that, in case they ever should get
in each other's way, we might decide between thera
without uncertainty. This part, therefore, which
was passed over by Panaetius, I will carry to com-
pletion without any auxiharies, but fighting my own
battle, as the saying is. For of all that has been
worked out on this line since the time of Panaetius,
notliing thdt has come into my hands is at all satis-
factory to me.
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35 VIII. Cum igitur Jiliqua species utilitatis obiecta
est, commoveri necesse est; sed si, cum animum
attenderis, turpitudinem videas adiunctam ei rci,
quae speciem utilitatis attulerit, tum non utiliL.is
relinquenda est, sed intellegendum, ubi turpitudo
sit, ibi utilitatem esse non posse. Quodsi nihil est
tam contra naturam quam turpitudo (recta enim et
convenientia et constantia natura desiderat asper-
naturque contraria) nihilque tam secundum naturam
quam utilitas, cerle in eadem re utilitas et turpi-
tudo* esse non potest.
Itemque, si ad honestatem nati sumus eaque aut
sola expetcnda est, ut ^enoni visum est, aut certe
omni pondere gravior habenda quam reliqua omnia,
quod Aristoteli placet, necesse est, quod honestum
sit, id esse aut solum aut summum bonum ; quod
autem bonum, id certe utile ; ita, quicquid honestum,
id utile.
36 Quare error hominum non proborum, cum ahquid,
quod utile visum est, arripuit, id continuo secernit
ab honesto. Hinc sicae, hinc venena, hinc fal.sa
testamenta nascuntur, hinc furta, peculatus, expila-
tiones direplionesque sociorum et civium, hinc opum
nimiarum, potentiae non ferendae, postremo etiani
jn Hberis civitatibus regnandi exsistunt cupiditates,
quibus nihil ncc taetrius nec foedius excogitari potest.
' re utilitas et turp. c, Edd • re ulili turpitudo B H a U
302
BooK in. viii
VIII. Now wlien we meet with expediency in fixpediency and
some specious form or other, we cannot help being iJJlSmpatibie.
influenced by it. But if upon closer inspection one
sees that there is some immorahty connected with
what presents the appearance of expediency, then
one is not necessarily to sacrifice expediency but
to recognize that there can be no expediency where
there is immorality. But if there is nothing so
repugnant to nature as immorahty (for nature
demands right and harniony and consistency and
abhors their opposites), and if nothing is so
thoroughly in accord with nature as expediency,
then surely expediency and immorahty cannot co-
exist in one and the same object.
Again: if we are born for moral rectitude and if Themorally
that is either the only thing worth seeking, as Zeno expedknt!"
thought, or at least to be esteemed as infinitely out-
weighing everything else, as Aristotle holds, then it
necessarily follows that the morally right is either
the sole good or the supreme good. Now, that
which is good is certainly expedient ; consequently,
that which is morally right is also expedient.
Thus it is the error of men who are not strictly i.heevilsresult-
upright to seize upon something that seems to be *"? ^'^°'P '^°'^'
expedient and straightway to dissociate that from ^^^^'^^^^'
the question of moral right. To this error the
assassin's dagger, the poisoned cup, the forged wills
owe their origin ; this gives rise to theft, embezzle-
ment of public funds, exploitation and plundering
of provincials and citizens; this engenders also the
lust for excessive wealth, for despotic power, and
finally for making oneself king even in the midst of
a free peopie; and anything more atrocious or repul-
sive than Bueh a passion , cannot be conceived. For
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Emolumenta enim rerum fallacibus iudiciis vident,
poenam non dico legum, quam saepe perrumpunt,
sed ipsius turpitudinis, «quae acerbissima est, non
vident.
37 Quam ob rem hoc quidem deliberantium genus
pellatur e medio (est enim totum sceleratum et im-
pium), qui deliberant, utrum id sequantur, quod
honestum esse videant, an se scientes scelere con-
taminent; in ipsa enim dubitatione facinus inest,
etiamsi ad id non pervenerint. Ergo ea^eliberanda
omnino non sunt, in quibus est turpis ipsa delibe-
ratio.
Atque etiam ex omni deliberatione celandi et oc-
cultandi spes opinioque removenda est. Satis enim
nobis, si modo in philosophia aUquid profecimus,
persuasum esse debet, si omnes deos hominesque
celare possimus, nihil tamen avare, nihil iniuste,
nihil Hbidinose, nihil incontinenter esse faciendum.
38 IX. Hinc ille Gyges inducitur a Platone, qui, cum
terra discessisset magnis quibusdam imbribus, de-
scendit in illum hiatum aeneumque equum, ut ferunt
fabulae, animadvertit, cuius in lateribus fores essent ;
quibus apertis corpus horainis mortui vidit magnitu-
dine invisitata^ anulumque aureum in digito ; quem
ut detraxit, ipse induit (erat autem regius pastor),
tum in conciUum se pastorum recepit. Ibi eum
palam eius anuU ad palmam converterat, a nullo
videbatur, ipse autem omnia vidcbat; idem rursus
^invisitata B H', Edd. ; intisitata W a b c.
804
BOOK III. viii-ix
with a false perspective they see the material rewards
but not the punishment — I do not mean the penalty
of the law, which they often escape, but the heaviest
penalty of all, their own demoralization.
Away, then, with questioners of thi» sort (for
their whole tribe is wicked and ungodly), who stop
to consider whether to pursue the course which they
see is morally right or to stain their hands with what
they know is crime. For there is guilt in their very
dehberation, even though they never reach the per-
formance of the deed itself. Those actions, there-
fore, should not be considered at all, the mere con-
sideration of which is itself morally wrong.
Furthermore, in any such consideration we must Moral rectitucu
banish any vain liope and thought that our action ^*"'*®^"^*^'"'
may be covered up and kept secret. For if we have
only made some real progress in the study of philo-
sophy, we ought to be quite convinced that, even
though we may escape the eyes of gods and men,
we must still do nothing that savours of greed
or of injustice, of lust or of intemperance.
IX. By way of illustrating this truth Plato intro- Thestoryof
duces the famihar story of Gyges : Once upon a time ^^1.^* ^"'^ ****
the earth opened in consequence of heavy rains;
Gyges went down into the chasm and saw, so the story
goes, a horse of bronze ; in its side was a door. On
opening this door he saw the body of a dead man of
enormous size with a gold ring upon his finger. He
removed this and put it on his own hand and then
repaired to an assembly of the shepherds, for he was
a shepherd of the king. As often as he turned the
bezel of the ring inwards toward the palm of his
hand, he became invisible to every one, while he
himself saw everything ; but as often as he turned
X 305
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videbatur, cum iu locum anulum inverterat. Itaque
hac opportunitate anuli usus reginae stuprum intulit
eaque adiutrice regem dominum interemit, sustulit,
quos obstare arbitrabatur, nec in his eum facinoribus
quisquam potuit videre. Sic repente anuH beneficio
rex exortus est Lydiae.
Hunc igitur ipsum anulum si habeat sapiens,
nihilo^ plus sibi licere putet peccare, quam si non
haberet^; honesta enim bonis viris, non occulta
quaeruntur.
39 Atque hoc loco philosophi quidam, minime mah
illi quidem, sed non satis acuti, fictam et commenti-
ciam fabulam prolatam dicunt a Platone ; quasi vero
ille aut factum id esse aut fieri potuisse defendat!
Haec est vis huius anuli et huius exempli : si nemo
sciturus, nemo ne suspicaturus quidem sit, cum
aliquid divitiarum, potentiae, dominationis, libidinis
causa feceris, si id dis hominibusque futurum sit
semper ignotum, sisne facturus. Negant id fieri
posse. Nequaquam^ potest id quidem ; sed quaero,
quod negant posse, id si posset, quidnam facerent.
Urguent rustice sane ; negant enim posse et in eo
perstant ; hoc verbum quid valeat, non vident. Cum
enim quaerimus, si celare possint, quid facturi sint,
non quaerimus, possintne cclare, sed tamquam tor-
menta quaedam adhibemus, ut, si respondcrint se
* ni{c)hilo c, Edd. ; nihil B H a b.
^peecare . . . haberet MSS. ; bracketcd by Madv., Bt.
^nequaquam Manutius, Bt., Ed., W<i\ne; quamguarn (and
yet it is possible) MSS., MGIUt.
S06
BOOK III. ix
it back to its proper position, he became visible
again. And so, with the advantage which the ring
gave him, he debauched the queen, and with her
assistance he murdered his royal master and removed
all those who he thought stood in his way, without
anyone's being able to detect him in his crimes.
Thus, by virtue of the ring. he shortly rose to be
king of Lydia.
Now, suppose a wise man had just such a ring, he
would not imagine that he was free to do wrong any
more than if he did not have it ; for good men aim
to secure not secrecy but the right.
And yet on this point certain philosophers, who
are not at all vicious but who are not very discern-
ing, declare that the story related by Plato is ficti-
tious and imaginary. As if he affirmed that it was
actually true or even possible! But the force of the xhemoraiof
illustration of the ring is this: if nobody were to *''^^*°'^^*
know or even to suspect the truth, when you do any-
thing to gain riches or power or sovereignty or
sensual gratification — if your act should be hidden
for ever from the knowledge of gods and men, would
you do it? The condition, they say, is impossible.
Of course it is. But my question is, if that were
possible which they declare to be impossible, what,
pray, would one do? They press their point
with right boorish obstinacy : they assert that it is
impossible and insist upon it; they refuse to see the
meaning of my words, "if possible." For when
we ask what they would do, if they could escape
detection, we are not asking whether they can escape
detection ; but we put them as it were upon the rack :
should they answer that, if impunity were assured,
they would do what was most to their selfish interest,
x2 307
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impunitate proposita facturos, quod expediat, facino-
rosos se esse fateantur, si negent^ omnia turpia per
se ipsa fugienda esse concedant.
Sed iam ad propositum revertamur.
40 X, Incidunt multae saepe causae, quae conturbent
animos utilitatis specie, non cum < hoc deliberetur,
relinquendane sit honestas propter utilitatis magni-
tudinem (nam id quidem improbum est), sed illud,
possitne id, quod utile videatur, fieri non turpiter.
Cum Collatino collegae Brutus imperium abrogabat,
poterat videri facere id iniuste ; fuerat enim in regi-
bus expellendis socius Bruti consiliorum et adiutor.
Cum autem consilium hoc principes cepissent, co-
gnationem Superbi nomenque Tarquiniorum et me-
moriam regni esse tollendam, quod erat utile, patriae
consulere, id erat ita honestum, ut etiam ipsi CoUa-
tino pldcere deberet. Itaque utilitas valuit piopter
honestatem, sine qua ne utihtas quidem esse potuisset.
At in eo rege, qui urbem condidit, non item;
41 species enim utilitatis animum pepulit eius; cui cum
visum esset utihus solum quam cum altero regnare,
fratrem interemit. Omisit hic et pietatem et huma-
nitatem, ut id, quod utile videbatur neque erat.
*Romulus.
^Remus.
S08
BOOK III. ix-x
that would be a confesslon that they are criminally
minded; should they say that they would not do
so, they would be granting that all things in and of
themselves immoi*al should be avoided.
But let us now return to our theme.
X. Many cases oftentimes arise to perplex our Conflicts
minds with a specious appearanee of expediency : the [f)'apparent
question raised in these cases is not whether moral Expediency and
rectitude is to be sacrificed to some considerable ^ '
advantage (for that would of course be wrong), but
whether the apparent advantage can be secured
without moral wrong. When Brutus deposed his
colleague Collatinus from the consular office, his
treatment of him might have been thought unjust;
for Collatinus had been his associate, and had helped
him with word and deed in driving out the royal
family. But when the leading men of the state had
determined that all the kindred of Superbus and the
very name of the Tarquins and every reminder of the
monarchy should be obhterated, then the course that
was expedient — namely, to serve the country's in-
terests — was so pre-eminently right, that it was even
Collatinus's own duty to acquiesce in its justice. And
so expediency gained the day because of its moral
rightness; for without moral rectitude there could
have been no possible expediency.
Not so in the case of the king* who founded the
city : it was the specious appearance of expediency
that actuated him; and when he decided that it
was more expedient for him to reign alone than to
share the throne with another, he slew his brother.''
He threw to the winds his brotherly affection and his
human feelings, to secure what seemed to him— but
was not — expedient ; and yet in defence of his deed
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assequi posset, et tamen muri causam^ opposuit,
speciem honestatis nec probabilem nec sane idoneam.
Peccavit igitur, pace vel Quirini vel Romuli dixerim.
42 Nec tamen nostrae nobis utilitates omittendae
sunt aliisque tradendae, cum iis' ipsi egeamus, sed
suae cuique utilitati, quod sine alterius iniuria fiat,
serviendum est. Scite Chrysippus, ut multa: "Qui
stadium/' inquit, currit, eniti et contendere debet,
quam maxime possit, ut vincat, supplantare eum,
quicum^ certet, aut manu depellere nullo modo
debet; sic in vita sibi quemque petere, quod perti-
neat ad usum, non iniquum est, alteri deripere ius
non est."
43 Maxime autem perturbantur officia in amicitiis,
quibus et non tribuere, quod recte possis, et tribuere,
quod non sit aequum, contra officium est. Sed huius
generis totius breve et non difficile praeceptum est.
Quae enim videntur utilia, lionores, divitiae, volup-
tates, cetera generis eiusdem, haec amicitiae num-
quam anteponenda sunt. At neque contra rem pu-
bhcam neque contra ius iurandum ac fidem amici
causa vir bonus faciet, ne si iudex quidem erit de
ipso amico; ponit enim personam amici, cum induit
iudicis. Tantum dabit amicitiae, ut veram amici
causam c, Edd. ; causa B H a b.
*its Bt., Ed., Heine ; hh B H a b ; htjs c.
^qtiiaim MSS., Bt., Heine ; quociim Ed.
al.e., whether he be god or man.
310
BOOK III. X
he offered the excuse about his wall — a specious show
of moral rectitude, neither reasonable nor adequate
at all. He committed a crime, therefore, with due
respect to him let me say so, be he Quirinus or
Romulus.*
And yet we are not required to sacrifice our own (2)individuai
iuterests and surrender to others what we need for fnterelts^*^^'
ourselves, but each one should consider his own
interests, as far as he may without injury to his
neighbour's. When a man enters the foot-race,"
says Chrysippus with his usual aptness, it is his
duty to put forth all his strength and strive with all
his might to win ; but he ought never with his foot
to trip, or with his hand to foul a competitor. Thus
in the stadium of life, it is not unfair for anyone to
seek to obtain what is needful for his own advantage,
but he has no right to wrest it from his neighbour."
It is in the case of friendships, however, that (3) obUgations to
men's conceptions of duty are most confused; for it''''^"'!^^"'^'^"*^'
is a breach of duty either to fail to do for a friend
what one rightly can do, or to do for him what is
not right. But for our guidance in all such cases we
have a rule that is short and easy to master : appa-
rent advantages — political preferment,riches, sensual
pleasures, and the like — should never be preferred
to the obligations of friendship. But an upright '
man will never for a friend's sake do anything in
violation of his country's interests or his oath or his
sacred honour, not even if he sits as judge in a
friend's case; for he lays aside the role of friend
when he assumes that of judge. Only so far will he
make concessions to friendship, that he will prefer
his friend's side to be the juster one and that he will
set the time for presenting his case, as far as the
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CICERO DE OFFICIIS
causam esse malit, ut oraudae litis tempus, quoad
44 per leges liceat, accommodet. Cum vero iurato
sententia dicenda erit/ meminerit deum se adhibere ^
testem, id est, ut ego arbitror, mentem suam, qua
nihil homini dedit deus ipse divinius. Itaque prae-
clarum a maioribus accepimus morem rogandi iudicis,
si eum teneremus, quae salva fide facere possit.
Haec rogatio ad ea pertinet, quae paulo ante dixi
honeste amico a iudice posse concedi ; nam si omnia
facienda sint, quae amici velint, non amicitiae tales,
45 sed coniurationes putandae sint. Loquor autem de
communibus amicitiis; nam in sapientibus viris per
fectisque nihil potest esse tale.
Damonem et Phintiam Pythagoreos ferunt hoc
animo inter se fuisse, ut, cum eorum alteri Dionysius
tyrannus diem necis destinavisset et is, qui morti
addictus esset, paucos sibi dies commendandorum
suorum causa postulavisset, vas factus sit' alter eius
sistendi, ut, si ille non revertisset, moriendum esset
ipsi. Qui cum ad diem se recepisset, admiratus
eorum fidem tyrannus petivit, ut se ad amicitiam
tertium ascriberent.
46 Cum igitur id, quod utile videtur in amicitia, cum
eo, quod honestum est, comparatur, iaceat utilitatis
'mV Ed., Bt.«, Heine ; sit MSS.; est Bt.'
^adhibere B H a, Bt., Ed. ; habere b c, Lact., Miiiler.
^sii Maiiubius, Edd.; est MSS., Nonius.
.SI2
BOOK III. X
laws will allow, to suit his friend's convenience.
44 But when he comes to pronounce the verdict under
oath, he should remember that he has God as his
witness — that is, as I understand it, his own con-
science, than which God himself has bestowed upon
man nothing more divine. From this point of view
it is a fine custom that we have inherited from our
forefathers (if we were only true to it now) to appeal
to the juror with this formula — to do what he can
consistently with his sacred honour." This form of
appeal is in keeping with what I said a moment ago
would be morally right for a judge to concede to a
friend. For supposing that we were bound to do
everything that our friends desired, such relations
would have to be accounted not friendships but
45 conspiracies. But I am speaking here of ordinary
friendships ; for among men who are ideally wise
and perfect such situations cannot arise.
They say that Damon and Phintias, of the Py tha- Damon and
gorean schoolj enjoyed such ideally perfect friend- '^^'
ship, that when the tyrant Dionysius had appointed a
day for the execution of one of them, and the one
who had been condemned to death requested a few
days' respite for the purpose of putting his loved
ones in the care of friends, the other became surety
for his appearance, with the understanding that it
his friend did not return, he himself should be put
to death. And when the friend returned on the
day appointed, the tyrant in admiration for their
faithfulness begged that they would enrol him as a
third partner in their friendship.
46 Well then, when we are weighing what seems to Ruies of
be expedient in friendship against what is morally precedence.
right, let apparent expediency be disregarded and
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species, valeat honestas; cum autem in amicitia,
quae honesta non sunt, postulabuntur, religio et fides
anteponatur amicitiae. Sic habebitur is, quem ex-
quirimus, dilectus officii.
XI. Sed utilitatis specie in re publica saepissime
peccatur, ut in Corinthi disturbatione nostri ; durius
etiam Athenienses, qui sciverunt, ut Aeginetis, qui
classe valebant, pollices praeciderentur. Hoc visum
est utile ; nimis enim imminebat propter propinqui-
tatem Aegina Piraeo. Sed nihil, quod crudele, utile ;
est enim hominum naturae, quam sequi debemus,
47 maxime inimica crudelitas. Male etiam, qui pere-
grinos urbibus uti prohibent eosque exterminant, ut
Pennus apud patres nostros, Papius nuper. Nam
esse pro cive, qui civis non sit, rectum est non licere ;
quam legem tulerunt sapientissimi consules Crassus
et Scaevola; usu vero urbis prohibere peregrinos
sane inhumanum est.
Illa praeclara, in quibus publicae utilitatis species
prae honestate contemnitur. Plena exemplorum est
nostra res publica cum saepe, tum maxime bello
314
BOOK III. x-xi
moral rectitude prevail; and when in friendship
requests are submitted that are not morally right, let
conscience and scrupulous regard for the right take
precedence of the obligations of friendship. In this
way we shall arrive at a proper choice between con-
flicting duties — the subject of this part of our inves-
tigation.
XI. Through a specious appearance of expediency (4) apparent
wrong is very often committed in transactions be- P^pg^^^ielicy anrf
tween state and state, as by our own country in the duty to
destruction of Corinth. A more cruel wrong was "™*"' ^'
perpetrated by the Athenians in decreeing that the
Aeginetans, whose strength lay in their navy, should
have their thumbs cut off. This seemed to be
expedient ; for Aegina was too grave a menace, as it
was close to the Piraeus. But no cruelty can be
expedient; for cruelty is most abhorrent to human
47 nature, whose leadings we ought to follow. They,
too, do wrong who would debar foreigners from
enjoying the advantages of their city and would
exclude them from its borders, as was done by
Pennus in the time of our fathers, and in recent
times by Papius. It may not be right, of course,
for one who is not a citizen to exercise the rights and
privileges of citizenship ; and the law on this point
was secured by two of our wisest consuls, Crassus and
Scaevola. Still, to debar foreigners from enjoying
the advantages of the city is altogether contrary to
the laws of humanity.
There are splendid examples in history where the Morairight
apparent expediency of the state has been set at apparent'^''^'"
naught out of regard for moral rectitude. Our own expediency
country has many instances to offer throughout her
history, and especially in the Second Punic War
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Punico secundo; quae Cannensi calamitate accepta
maiores animos habuit quam umquam rebus secundis ;
nulla timoris significatio, nulla mentio pacis. Tanta
vis est honesti, ut speciem utilitatis obscuret.
48 Athenienses cum Persarum impetum nullo modo
possent sustinere statuerentque, ut urbe rehcta
coniugibus et liberis Troezene depositis naves con-
scenderent libertatemque Graeciae classe defende-
rent, Cyrsilum quendam suadentem, ut in urbe
manerent Xerxemque^ reciperent, lapidibus obrue-
nmt. Atqui ^ ille utiUtatem sequi videbatur ; sed ea
nulla erat repugnante honestate.
49 Themistocles post victoriam eius belli, quod cum
Persis fuit, dixit in contione se habere consiHum rei
publicae salutare, sed id sciri non opus esse; postu-
lavit, ut aUquem populus daret, quicum communi-
caret; datus est Aristides; huic iUe, classem Lace-
daemoniorum, <juae subducta esset ad Gytheum,
clam incendi posse, quo facto frangi Lacedaemonio-
rum opes necesse esset. Quod Aristides cum audis-
set, in contionem magna exspectatione venit dixitque
perutile esse consiUum, quod Themistocles afferret,
sed minime honestum. Itaque Athenienses, quod
honestum non esset, id ne utile quidem putaverunt
totamque eam rem, quam ne audierant quidem,
' Xerxemque BH a b, Bt., Heine ; Xersenque c ; Xersemque
Nonius, Ed.
"^Atqui Victorius, Fl., Bt.», Ed.; Atque MSS., Bt.'
316
BOOK III. xi
when news came of the disaster at Cannae, Rome dis-
played a loftier courage than ever slie did in success ;
never a trace of faint-heartedness, never a mention
of making terms. The influence of moral right is so
potentj that it eclipses the specious appearance of
expediency.
When the Athenians could in no way stem the
tide of the Persian invasion and determined to
abandon their city, bestow their wives and children
in safety at Troezen, embark upon their ships, and
fight on the sea for the freedom of Greece, a man
named Cyrsilus proposed that they should stay at
home and open the gates of their city to Xerxes.
They stoned him to death for it. And yet he was
working for what he thought was expediency ; but
it was not — not at all, for it clashed with moral
rectitude.
After the victorious close of that war with Persia,
Themistocles announced in the Assembly that he
had a plan for the welfare of the state, but that it
was not politic to let it be generally known. He
requested the people to appoint some one with whom
he might discuss it. They appointed Aristides.
Themistocles confided to him that the Spartan fleet,
which had been hauled up on shore at Gytheum,
could be secretly set on fire ; this done, the Spartan
power would inevitably be crushed. When Aristides
heard the plan, he came into the Assembly amid the
eager expectation of all and reported that the plan
proposed by Themistocles was in the highest degree
expedient, but anything but morally right. The
result was that the Athenians concluded that what
was not morally right was likewise not expedient,
and at the instance of Aristides they rejected the
317
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
auctore Aristide repudiaverunt. Melius hi quam
nos, qui piratas immunes, socios vectigales habemus.
XII. Maneat ergo, quod turpe sit^ id numquam essc
utile, ne tum quidem, cum id, quod esse utile putes,
adipiscare ; hoc enim ipsum, utile putare, quod turpe
§ 40 50 sit, calamitosum est. Sed incidunt, ut supra dixi,
saepe causae, cum repugnare utilitas honestati videa-
tur, ut animadvertendum sit, repugnetne plane an
possit cum honestate coniungi. Eius generis hae
sunt quaestiones: si exempli gratia vir bonus Ale-
xandrea Rhodum magnum frumenti numerum ad-
vexerit in Rhodiorum inopia et fame summaque
annonae caritate, si idem sciat complures merca-
tores Alexandrea solvisse navesque in cursu frumento
onustas petentes Rhodum viderit, dicturusne sit id
Rhodiis an silentio suum quam plurimo venditurus.
Sapientem et bonum virum fingimus; de eius de-
Uberatione et consultatione quaerimus, qui celaturus
Rhodios non sit, si id turpe iudicet, sed dubitet, an
turpe non sit.
51 In huius modi causis aliud Diogeni Babylonio
videri solet, magno et gravi Stoico, ahud Antipatro,
discipulo eius, homini acutissimo. Antipatro omnia
patefacienda, ut ne quid omnino, quod venditor
a The Cilician pirates had been crushed by Pompey and
settled at Soli (Pompeiopolis). They gathered strength
again during the distractions of the civil wars, and Antony
is even said to have sought their aid in the war against
Brutus and Cassius.
Marseilles and King Deiotarus of Armeniahad supported
Pompey and in consequence were made tributary by
Caesar's party.
318
BOOK III. xi-xii
whole proposition without even listening to it. Their
attitude was better than ours ; for we let pirates go
scot free, while we make our allies pay tribute.* V
XII. Let it be set down as an established prin-
ciple, then, that what is morally wrong can never be
expedient — not even when one secures by means of
it that which one thinks expedient; for the mere
act of thinking a course expedient, when it is morally
50 wrong, is demorahzing. But, as I said above, cases Expediency
often arise in which expediency may seem to clash ^^^^^ rectitude
with moral rectitude ; and so we should examine in business reia-
carefully and see whether their conflict is inevitable *'°°*'
or whether they may be reconciled. The following
are problems of this sort: suppose, for example, a
time of dearth and famine at Rhodes, with provisions
at fabulous prices ; and suppose that an honest man
has imported a large cargo of grain from Alexandria
and that to his certain knowledge also several other
importers have set sail from Alexandria, and that on
the voyage he has sighted their vessels laden with
grain and bound for Rhodes ; is he to report the fact
to the Rhodians or is he to keep his own counsel
and sell his own stock at the highest market price ?
I am assuming the case of a virtuous, upright man,
and I am raising the question how a man would
think and reason who would not conceal the facts
from the Rhodians if he thought that it was immoral
to do so, but who might be in doubt whether such
silence would really be immoral.
5 1 In deciding cases of this kind Diogenes of Baby- Diogenes
lonia, a great and highly esteemed Stoic, consistently Antipater.
holds one view ; his pupil Antipater, a most profound
scholar, holds artother. According to Antipater all
the facts should be disclosed, that the buyer may
319
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
norit, emptor ignoret, Diogeni venditorem, quatenus
iure civili constitutum sit, dicere vitia oportere,
cetera sine iiisidiis agere et, quoniam vendat, velle
qnam optime vendere.
Advexi, exposui, vendo meum non pluris quam
ceteri, fortasse etiam minoris, cum maior est copia.
Cui fit iniuria?"
52 Exoritur Antipatri ratio ex altera parte : Quid
ais? tu cum hominibus consulere debeas et servire
humanae societati eaque lege natus sis et ea habeas
principia naturae, quibus parere et quae sequi debeas,
ut utilitas tua communis sit utilitas vicissimque com-
munis utilitas tua sit, celabis homines, quid iis adsit
commoditatis et copiae?"
Respondebit Diogenes fortasse sic: Aliud est
celare, aliud tacere ; neque ego nunc te celo, si tibi
non dico, quae natura deorum sit, qui sit finis bono-
rum, quae tibi plus prodessent cognita quam tritici
viUtas^ ; sed non, quicquid tibi audire utile est, idem^
mihi dicere necesse est."
53 "immo vero," inquiet ille, * necesse est,' siqui-
* vilitas a, Edd. ; utilitas, B H b c.
« idem B H a b ; «V/ c, Bt.
* immo . . . est c, Ed., Heine; immo vero necesse est p;
immo vero [inquiet il/e] necesse est Bt.
320
BOOK III. xii
not be uninformed of any detail that the seller
knows; according to Diogenes the seller shoukl
declare any defects in his wares, in so far as such a
course is prescribed by tlie common law of the land ;
but for the rest, since he has goods to sell, he may
try to sell them to the best possible advantage, pro-
vided he is guilty of no misrepresentation.
I have imported my stock," Diogenes's mer-
chant will say; I have offered it for sale; I sell
at a price no higher than my competitors — perhaps
even lower, when the market is overstocked. Who
is wronged?"
What say you ? " comes Antipater's argument on
the other side ; it is your dutjt to consider the in-
terests of your fellow-men and to serve society ; you
were brought into the world under these conditions
and have these inbornprincipleswhich you are in duty
bound to obey and follow, that your interest shall be
the interest of the community and conversely that
the interest of the community shall be your interest
as well; will you, in view of all these facts, conceal is conceaiment
from your fellow-men what relief in plenteous sup- i*mmorai ?
plies is close at hand for them?"
It is one thing to conceal/' Diogenes will ptr-
haps reply ; not to reveal is quite a different thing.
At this present moment I am not concealing from
you, even if I am not revealing to you, the nature of
the gods or the highest good ; and to know these
secrets would be of more advantage to you than to
know that the price of wheat was down. But I am
under no obligation to tell you everything that it
may be to your interest to be told."
Yea," Antipater will say, but you are, as you
must admit, if you will only bethink you of the
Y 321
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
dem meministi esse inter homines natura coniun-
ctam societatem."
Memini/' inquiet ille; ' sed num ista societas
talis estj ut nihil suum cuiusque sit ? Quod si ita
est, ne vendendum quidem quicquam est, sed do-
nandum."
XI 11. Vides in hac tota disceptatione non illud
dici : Quamvis hoc turpe sit^ tamen, quoniam ex-
pedit, faciam," sed ita expedire, ut turpe non sit, ex
altera autem parte, ea re, quia turpe sit, non esse
faciendum.
54 Vendat aedes vir bonus propter aliqua vitia, quae
ipse norit, ceteri ignorent, pestilentes sint et habe-
antur salubres, ignoretur in omnibus cubiculis appa-
rere serpentes, male materiatae sint^ ruinosae, sed
hoc praeter dominum nemo sciat; quaero, si liaec
emptoribus venditor non dixerit aedesque vendiderit
pluris multo, quam se venditurum putarit, num id
iniuste aut improbe fecerit.
55 Ille vero," inquit Antipater; "quid est enim
aliud erranti viam non monstrare, quod Athenis ex-
secrationibus publicis sanctum est, si hoc non est,
cmptorem pati ruere et per errorem in maximam
fraudem incurrere? Plus etiam est quam viam non
' sint Bt.S Ed., Heine ; not in MSS., Bt».
S22
BOOK III. xii-xiii
bonds of fellowship forged by nature and existing
between man and man."
I do not forget them/' the other will reply;
but do you mean to say that those bonds of fellow-
ship are such that tliere is no such thing as private
property? If that is the case, we should not
sell anything at all, but freely give everything
away."
XIII. In this whole discussion^ you see, no one
says However wrong morally this or that may be,
stillj since it is expedient, I will do it"; but the one
side asserts that a given act is expedient, without
being morally wrong, while the other insists that
the act should not be done, because it is morally
wrong.
Suppose again that an honest man is ofFering a a vendor's duty
house for sale on account of certain undesirable
features of which he himself is aware but which
nobody else knows; suppose it is unsanitary^ but
has the reputation of being healthful ; suppose it is
not generally known that vermin are to be found in
all the bedrooms ; suppose, finally, that it is built of
unsound timber and hkely to collapse, but that no
one knows about it except the owner ; if the vendor
does not tell the purchaser these facts but sells him
the house for far more than he could reasonably
have expected to get for it, I ask whether his trans-
action is unjust or dishonourable.
Yes," says Antipater, it is ; for to allow a pur-
chaser to be hasty in closing a deal and through
mistaken judgment to incur a very serious loss, if
this is not refusing to set a man right when he has
lost his way ' (a crime which at Athens is prohibited
on pain of pui)lic execration), what is? It is even
v2 323
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
monstrare ; nam est scientem in errorem alterum
inducere."
(55) Diogenes contra : " Num te emere coegit, qui ne
hortatus quidera est ? Ille, quod non placebat, pro-
scripsit, tu, quod placebat, emisti. Quodsi, qui pro-
scribunt villam bonam beneque aedificatam, non
existimantur fefellisse, etiamsi illa nec bona est nec
aedificata ratione, multo minus, qui domum non
laudarunt. Ubi enim iudicium emptoris est, ibi
fraus venditoris quae potest esse ? Sin autem di-
ctum non omne praestandum est, quod dictum non
est, id praestandum putas ? Quid vero est stultius
quam venditorem eius rei, quam vendat, vitia nar-
rare ? quid autem tam absurdum, quam si domini
iussu ita praeco praedicet : * Domum pestilentem
vendo ' ? "
56 Sic ergo in quibusdam causis dubiis ex altera parte
defenditur lionestas, ex altera ita de utilitate dicitur,
ut id, quod utile videatur, non modo facere honestum
sit, sed etiam non facere turpe. Haec est illa, quae
videturutiliumfiericum honestis saepe dissensio. Quae
diiudicanda sunt ^ ; non enim, ut quaereremus, ex-
57 posuimus, sed ut expHcaremus. Non igitur videtui
nec frumentarius ille Rhodios^ nec hic aedium
venditor celare emptores debuisse. Neque enim id
est celare, quicquid reticeas, sed cum, quod tu scias,
* sunt MSS., Bt.^ Heine. Ed.; es/ [dissensio] Unger, Bt.«
• Rhodios c, Edd. ; Rhodius B H a b.
»«4
BOOK III. xiii
worse than refusing to set a man on his way : it is
dehberately leading a man astray."
"Can you say," answers Diogenes,-'' that he com-
pelled you to purchase, when he did not even advise
it ? He advei*tised for sale what he did not Hke ;
you bought what you did hke. If people are not
considered guilty of swindhng when they place upon
their placards For Sale : A Fine Villa, Well Built,
even when it is neither good nor properly built, still
less guilty are they who say nothing in praise of
their house. For where the purchaser may exercise
his own judgment, what fraud can there be on the
part of the vendor.^ But if, again, not all that is
expressly stated has to be made good, do you think
a man is bound to make good what has not been
said ? What, pray, would be more stupid than for a
vendor to recount all the faults in the article he is
ofFering for sale ? And what would be so absurd as
for an auctioneer to cry, at the owner's bidding,
' Here is an unsanitary house for sale ' ? "
In this way, then, in certain doubtful cases moral
rectitude is defended on the one side, while on the
other side the case of expediency is so presented as
to make it appear not only morally right to do what
seems expedient, but even morally wrong not to do
it. This is the contradiction that seems often to
arise between the expedient and the morally right,
But I must give my decision in these two cases ; for cicero's decisbn
I did not propound them merely to raise the ques- '" '^* "^^^**-
tions, but to offer a solution. I think, then, that it
was the duty of that grain-dealer not to keep back
the facts from the Rhodians, and of this vendor of
the house to deal in the same way with his purchaser.
The fact is that merely holding one's peace about a
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
id ignorare emolumenti tui causa velis eos, quorum
intersit id scire. Hoc autem celandi genus quale sit
et cuius hominis, quis non videt? Certe non aperti,
non simplicis, non ingenui, non iusti, non viri boni,
versuti potius, obscuri, astuti, fallacis, malitiosi,
callidi, veteratoris, vafri. Haec tot et alia plura
nonne inutile est vitiorum subire nomina ?
58 XIV. Quodsi vituperandi, qui reticuerunt, quid de
iis existimandum est, qui orationis vanitatem adhi-
buerunt? C. Canius, eques Romanus, nec infacetus
et satis litteratus, cum se Syracusas otiandi, ut ipse
dicere solebat, non negotiandi causa contulisset,
dictitabat^ se hortulos aliquos emere velle, quo invi-
tare amicos et ubi se oblectare sine interpellatoribus
posset. Quod cum percrebruisset, Pythius ei qui-
dam, qui argentariam faceret Syracusis, venales
quidem se hortos non habere, sed licere uti Canio,
si vellet, ut suis, et simul ad cenam hominem in
hortos invitavit in posterum diem. Cum ille pro-
misisset, tum Pythius, qui esset ut argentarius apud
omnes ordines gratiosus, piscatores ad se convocavit
et ab iis petivit, ut ante suos hortulos postridie pi-
scarentur, dixitque, quid eos facere vellet. Ad cenam
tempori^ venit Canius; opipare a Pythio apparatum
convivium, cumbarum ante oculos multitudo ; pro se
^dictitabat c, Edd. ; dictabat B H a b.
*tempori B H b, Bt.', Ed. ; tcmpore a c ; temperi Fl., Bt.',
Heine.
326
BOOK II I. xiii-xiv
thing does not constitute concealment, but conceal-
ment consists in trying for your own profit to keep
others from finding out something that you know,
when it is for their interest to know it. And who
fails to discern what manner of concealment that is
and what sort of person would be guilty of it ? At
all events he would be no candid or sincere or
straightforward or upright or honest man, but rather
one who is shifty, sly, artful, shrewd, underhand,
cunning, one grown old in fraud and subtlety. Is it
not inexpedient to subject oneself to all these terms
of reproach and many more besides?
XIV. If, then, they are to be blamed who suppress Conceaiment oi
the truth, what are we to think of those who actu- *^"'^ „,
ally state what is false? Gaius Canius, a Roman misrepresenta-
11-1. 11 ■. 1 t'on *""
knight, a man of considerable wit and literary cul- faisehood.
ture, once went to Syracuse for a vacation, as he
himself used to say, and not for business. He gave
out that he had a mind to purchase a little country-
seat, where he could invite his friends and enjoy
himself, uninterrupted by troublesome visitors.
When this fact was spread abroad, one Pythius, a
banker of Syracuse, informed him that he had such
an estate; that it was not for sale, however, but
Canius might make himself at home there, if he
pleased; and at the same time he invited him to the
estate to dinner next day. Canius accepted. Then
Pythius, who, as might be expected of a money-
lender, could command favours of all classes, called
the fishermen together and asked them to do their
fishing the next day out in front of his villa, and
told them what he wished them to do. Canius came
to dinner at the appointed hour; Pythius had a
sumptuous banquet prepared; there was a whole |
327
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
quisque, quod ceperat, afFerebat, ante pedes Pythi
pisces abiciebantur.
59 Tum Canius: Quaeso/' inquit, "quid est hoc,
Pythi? tantumne piscium? tantumne cumbarum?"
Et ille: Quid mirum?" inquit, hoc loco est
Syracusis quicquid est piscium, hic aquatio, hac villa
isti carere non possunt."
Incensus Canius cupiditate contendit a Pythio, ut
venderet ; gravate ille primo ; quid multa ? impetrat.
Emit homo cupidus et locuples tanti, quanti Pythius
voluit, et emit instructos; nomina facit, negotium
conficit. Invitat Canius postridie familiares suos,
venit ipse mature; scalmum nullum videt, quaerit
ex proximo vicino, num feriae quaedam piscatorum
essentj quod eos nullos videret.
Nullae, quod sciam," inquit; sed hic piscari
nulli solent; itaque heri mirabar, quid accidisset."
60 Stomachari Canius; sed quid faceret? nondum
enim C. AquiHus, collega et familiaris meus, protu-
lerat de dolo malo formulas ; in quibus ipsis, cum ex
eo quaereretur,^ quid esset dolus malus, respondebat :
cum esset aliud simulatum, aliud actum. Hoc quidem
sane luculente ut ab liomine perito definiendi. Ergo
et Pythius et omnes aliud agentes, aliud simulantes
^quaereretur Edd., with authority ; guaererem MSS.
328
BOOK III. xiv
fleet ot boats before their eyes; each fisherman
brduglit in in turn the cateh that he had made ; and
the fishes were deposited at the feet of Pythius.
Pray, Pythius," said Canius thereupon, what
does this mean? — all these fish? — all these boats?"
No wonder," answered Pythius; this is where
all the fish in Syracuse are ; here is where the fresh
water comes from ; the fishermen cannot get along
without this estate."
Inflamed with desire for it, Canius insisted upon
Pythius's selling it to him. At first he demurred.
To make a long story short, Canius gained his point.
The man was rich, and, in his desire to own the
country-seat, he paid for it all that Pythius asked ;
and he bought the entire equipment, too, Pythius
entered the amount upon his ledger and completed
the transfer. The next day Canius invited his
friends ; he came early himself. Not so much as a
thole-pin was in sight. He asked his next-door
neighbour whether it was a fisherman's holiday, for
not a sign of them did he see.
Not so far as I know," said he ; but none are in
the habit of fishing here. And so I could not make
out what was the matter yesterday."
Canius was furious; but what could he do? For crfminalfraud
not yet had my colleague and friend, Gaius Aquilius,
introduced the established forms to apply to criminal
fraud. When asked what he meant by "criminal
fraud," as specified in these forms, he would reply:
Pretending one thing and practising another" — a
very felicitous definition, as one might expect from
an expert in making them. Pythius, therefore, and
all others who do one tliing while they pretend
<inother are faithless, dishonest, and unprincipled
329
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
perfidi, improbi, malitiosi. Nullum igitur eorum fa-
ctum potest utile esse, cum sit tot vitiis inquinatum.
61 XV. Quodsi Aquiliana definitio vera est, ex omni
vita simulatio dissimulatioque tollenda est. Ita, nec
ut emat melius nec ut vendat, quicquam simulabit
aut dissimulabit vir bonus. Atque^ iste dolus malus
et legibus erat vindicatus, ut tutela^ duodecim tabu-
lis, circumscriptio adulescentium lege Plaetoria, et
sine lege iudiciis, in quibus additur ex fide bona.
Reliquorum autem iudiciorum haec verba maxime
excellunt: in arbitrio rei uxoriae melius aequius, in
fiducia UT INTER BONos BENE AGiER. Quid crgo ? aut
in eo, QUOD melius aequius, potest uUa pars inesse
fraudis? aut, cum dicitur inter bonos bene agier,
quicquam agi dolose aut malitiose potest? Dolus
autem malus in simulatione, ut ait Aquilius, con-
tinetur. Tollendum est igitur ex rebus contrahendis
omne mendacium; non illicitatorem^ venditor, non,
qui contra se liceatur, emptor apponet; uterque, si
ad eloquendum venerit, non plus quam semel f,lo-
62 quetur. Q. quidem Scaevola P. f,, cum postulasset,
ut sibi fundus, cuius emptor erat, semel indicaretur
* AfgtieMSS., Bt.', Muller, Heine ; Atqui Manutius, Ed.,
Bl«.
* w/ tutela MSS., Bt., Muller ; ut in tutela Heine, Ed.
^ no7i illicitatorem c (inl. ) p, Edd. ; non licitatorem B H a b.
a See § 70 below,
330
BOOK III. xiv-xv
scoundrels. No act of theirs can be expedient, when
what they do is tainted with so many vices.
XV. But if Aquilius*s definition is correct, pre-
tence and concealment should be done away with in
all departments of our daily life. Then an honest
man will not be guilty of either pretence or conceal-
ment in order to buy or to sell to better advantage.
Besides, your criminal fraud" had previously been Criminai fraud
prohibited by the statutes : the penalty in the matter ^"^ ^^ '^^"
of trusteeships, for example, is fixed by the Twelve
Tables ; for the defrauding of minors, by the Plae-
torian law. The same prohibition is effective, with-
out statutory enactment, in equity cases, in which
it is added that the decision shall be "as good
faith requires."* In all other cases in equity,
moreover, the following phrases are most note-
worthy : in a case calling for arbitration in the matter
of a wife's dowry : what is "the fairer is the better " ;
in a suit for the restoration of a trust: "honest
dealingj as between honest parties." Pray, then,
can there be any element of fraud in what is adjusted
for the better and fairer"? Or can anything
fraudulent or unprincipled be done, when " honest
dealing between honest parties " is stipulated ? But
criminal fraud," as Aquilius says, consists in false
pretence. We must, therefore, keep misrepresenta- criminaifraud
tion entirely out of business transactions : the seller '° *^^ ''^^* °K
.„ , , , .1, moral rectitud»
will not engage a bogus bidder to run pnces up nor
the buyer one to bid low against himself to keep
them down; and each, it they come to naming a
price, will state once for all what he will give or take.
Why, when Quintus Scaevola, the son of Publius
Scaevola, asked that the price of a farm that he
desired to purchase be definitely named and the
331
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
idque venditor ita fecisset, dixit se pluris aestimare ;
addidit eentum milia. Nemo est, qui hoc viri boni
fuisse negetj sapientis negant, ut si minoi-is, quani
potuisset, vendidisset. Haec igitur est illa pemicies,
quod alios bonos, alios sapientes existimant. Ex quo
Medea,^ Ennius " nequiquam sapere sapientem, qui ipse sibi
^'^ prodesse non quiret." Vere id quidem, si, quid
esset "prodesse," mihi cumlEnnio conveniret.
63 Hecatonem quidem Rhodium, discipulum Panaeti-
video in iis libris, quos de officio scripsit Q. Tuberoni ,
dicere " sapientis esse nihil contra mores, leges, in-
stituta facientem habere rationem rei familiaris.
Neque enim solum nobis divites esse volumus, sed
liberis, propinquis, amicis maximeque rei publicae,
Singulorum enim facultates et copiae divitiae sunt
civitatis." Huic^ Scaevolae [factum, de quo paulo
ante dixi, placere nullo modo potest ; etenim om-
nino tantum se negat facturum compendii sui causa,
quod non liceat. Huic nec laus magna tribuenda
nec gratia est.
64 Sed, sive et simulatio et dissimulatio dolus malus
est, perpaucae res sunt/^ in quibus non dolus malus
* huic c, Edd.; huius B H a b-
332
BOOK III. XV
vendor namedit, he replied that he considered it
worth more^ and paid him 100,000 sesterces over
and above what he asked. No one could say that
tliis was not the act of an honest man ; but people do
say that it was not the act of a worldly-wise man, any
more than if he had sold for a smaller amount than
he could have commanded. Here, then, is that
mischievous idea — the world accounting some men
upright, others wise ; and it is this fact that gives
Eimius'occasion to say :
*' In vain is the wise man wise, who cannot
benefit himself."
And Ennius is quite right, if only he and I were agreed
upon the meaning of "benefit."
Now I observe that Hecaton of Rhodes, a pupil of
Panaetius, says in his books on " Moral Duty "
dedicated to Quintus Tubero that " it is a wise
man's duty to take care of his private interests, at The standard
the same time doing nothing contrary to the civil ofseifishness.
customs, laws, and institutions. But that depends
on our purpose in seeking prosperity ; for we do not
aim to be rich for ourselves alone but for our chil-
dren, relatives, friends, and, above all, for our country.
For the private fortunes of individuals are the wealth
of the state." Hecaton could not for a moment
approve of Scaevola's act, which I cited a moment
ago ; for he openly avows that he will abstain from
doing for his own profit only what the law expressly
forbids. Such a man deserves no great praise nor
gratitude.
Be that as it may, if both pretence and conceal-
ment constitute " criminal fraud/' there are very
few transactions into which "criminal fraud " does
33S
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
iste versetur, sive vir bonus est is, qui prodest, qui-
bus potest, nocet neminij certe^ istum^ virum bonuni
non facile reperimus.
Numquam igitur est utile peccare, quia semper
est turpe, et, quia semper est honestum virum bonum
esse, semper est utile.
65 XVI. Ac de iure quidem praediorum sanctum apud
nos est iure civili, ut in iis vendendis vitia diceren-
tur, quae nota essent venditori. Nam, cum ex duo-
decim tabulis satis esset ea praestari, quae essent
lingua nuncupata, quae qui infitiatus esset, dupli
poenam subiret, a iuris consultis etiam reticentiae
poena est constituta ; quicquid enim esset^ in praedio
vitii, id statuerunt, si venditor sciret, nisi nomina-
66 tim dictum esset, praestari oportere. Ut, cum in
arce augurium augures acturi essent iussissentque
Ti.* Claudium Centumalum, qui aedes in Caelio
monte habebat, demoliri ea, quorum altitudo office-
ret auspiciis, Claudius proscripsit insulam [vendidit],^
emit P. Calpurnius Lanarius. Huic ab auguribus
illud idem denuntiatum est. Itaque Calpurnius cum
demolitus esset cognossetque Claudium aedes postea
proscripsisse, quam esset ab auguribus demoliri
' certe Lainb., Edd. ; recte MSS.
* istum p c, Edd. ; iustum B H a b.
* esset p c, Edd.; ^5/ B U a b.
* Ti. Lang-e, Edd. ; tttum MSS.
* vendidtt B H a b ; ^/ vendidit p c. ; Edd. omit.
354
BOOK III. xv-xvi
not enter ; or, if he only is a good man who helps
all he can, and harms no one, it will certainly be no
easy matter for us to find the good man as thus
defined.
^o concludcj then, it is never expedient to do
wrong, because wrong is always immoral ; and it is
always expedient to be good, because goodness is
always moral.
XVI. In the laws pertaining to the sale of real conceaimentof
property it is stipulated in our civil code that when estat^e^^pro"* '^^'
a transfer of any real estate is made, all its defects hibited by lavK
shall be declared as far as they are known to the
vendor. According to the laws of the Twelve Tables
it used to be sufficient that such faults as had been
expressly declared should be made good and that for
any flaws which the vendor expressly denied, when
questioned, he should be assessed double damages.
A like penalty for failure to make such declaration
also has now been secured by our jurisconsults:
they have decided that any defect in a piece of real
estate, if known to the vendor but not expressly
stated, must be made good by him. For example,
the augurs were proposing to take observations from
the citadel and they ordered Tiberius Claudius Cen-
tumalus, who owned a house upon the Caelian Hill,
to pull down such parts of the building as obstructed
the augurs' view by reason of their height. Claudius
at once advertised his block for sale, and Publius
Calpurnius Lanarius bought it. The same notice
was served also upon him. And so, when Calpurnius
had pulled down those parts of the building and
discovered that Claudius had advertised it for sale
only after the augurs had ordered them to be pulled
down, he summoned the former owner before a court
335
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
iussus, arbitrum illum adegit, quicquid sibi dare
FACERE OPORTERET EX FXDE BONA. M. CatO Sentcn-
tiam dixit, huius nostri Catonis pater (ut enim
ceteri ex patribus, sic hic, qui illud lumen progenuit,
ex filio est nominandus) — is igitur iudex ita pronun-
tiavit: cum in vendendo rem eam scisset et non
pronuntiasset, emptori damnum praestari oportere."
67 Ergo ad fidem bonam statuit pertinere notum
esse emptori vitium, quod nosset venditor. Quod si
recte iudicavit, non recte frumentarius ille, non
recte aedium pestilentium venditor tacuit. Sed
huius modi reticentiae iure civili comprehendi^ non
possunt; quae autem possunt, diligenter tenentur.
M. Marius Gratidianus, propinquus noster, C. Sergio
Oratae vendiderat aedes eas, quas ab eodem ipse
paucis ante annis emerat. Eae serviebant,^ sed hoc
in mancipio Marius non dixerat. Adducta res in
iudicium est. Oratam Crassus, Gratidianum de-
fendebat Antonius. lus Crassus urguebat, quod
vitii venditor non dixisset sciens, id oportere prae-
stari," aequitatem Antonius, * quoniam id vitium
^ comprehendi MSS. ; ovines comprehendi Bt., Heine.
* serviehant Hcus., Edd. ; sergio serviebant B H a b ; sergio
alii serviebant c.
S&6
BOOK III. xvi
of equity to decide what indemnity tlie owner was
under obligation in good faith ' to pay and deliver
to him." The verdiot was pronounced by Marcus
Cato^ the father of our Cato (for as other men receive
a distinguishing name from their fathers, so he who
bestowed upon the world so bright a luminary must
have his distinguishing name from liis son); he^ as
I was saying, was presiding judge and pronounced
the verdict that since the augurs' mandate was
known to the vendor at the time of making the
transfer and since he had not made it known, he was
bound to make good the purchasers loss."
Withthis verdict he estabhshed the principle that Scope of Cato'o
it was essential to good faith that any defect known ^*^*^ ^*"*
to the vendor must be made known to the purchaser.
If his decision was right, our grain dealer and the
vendor of the unsanitary house did not do right to
suppress the facts in those cases. But the civil code
cannot be made to include all cases where facts are
thus suppressed; but those cases which it does
include are summarily dealt with. Marcus Marius
Gratidianus, a kinsman of ours^ sold back to Gaius
Sergius Orata the house which he himself had
bought a few years before from that same Orata. It
was subject to an encumbrance^ but Marius had said
notliing about this fact in stating the terms of sale.
The case was cai-ried to the courts. Crassus was
counsel for Orata; Antonius was retained by Grati-
dianus. Crassus pleaded the letter of the law that
the vendor was bound to make good the defectj
for he had not declared it, although he was aware ot
it"; Antonius laid stress upon the equity of the case,
pleading that, inasmuch as the defect in question
had not been unknown to Sergius (for it was the
z 337
CICEIIO DE OFFICIIS
ignotum Sergio non fuisset, qui illas aedes vendi-
dissetj nihil fuisse necesse dicij nec eum esse dece-
ptum, qui, id, quod emerat, quo iure esset, teneret."
^8 Quorsus haec? Ut ilhid intellegas, non placuisse
maioribus nostris astutos.
XVII. Sed ahter leges, ahter philosophi tollunt
astutias, leges, quatenus manu tenere possunt,
philosophi, quatenus ratione et intellegentia. Ratio
ergo hoc postulat, ne quid insidiose, ne quid simulate,
ne quid fallaciter. Suntne igitur insidiae tendere
plagas, etiamsi excitaturus non sis nec agitaturus.^
ipsae enim ferae nullo insequente saepe incidunt.
Sic tu aedes proscribas, tabulam tamquam plagam
ponas, [domum propter vitia vendas,]^ in eam aliquis
incurrat imprudens?
69 Hoc quamquam video propter depravationem
consuetudinis neque more turpe haberi neque aut
lege sanciri aut iure civili, tamen naturae lege
sanctum est. Societas est enim (quod etsi saepe
dictum est, dicendum est tamen saepius), latissime
quidem quae pateat, omnium inter omnes, interior
eorum, qui eiusdem gentis sint, propior eorum, qui
eiusdem civitatis. Itaque maiores ahud ius gentium,
ahud ius civile esse voluerunt; quod civilc, uon
^Bracketed by Unger, Edd.
338
BOOK III. xvi-xvii
same house that he had sold to Marius), i^o declara-
tion of it was needed^ and in pui'ehasing it back he
had not been imposed upon^ for he knew to what
legal habihty his purchase was subject."
What is the purpose of these illustrations ? To
let you see that our forefathers did not countenance
sharp practice.
XVII. Now the law disposes of sharp practices in Law
one way, philosophers in another : the law deals with phiiosophy in
them as far as it can lay its strong arm upon them ; deaiing with
philosophers, as far as they can be apprehended by "^^®'^^'
reason and conscience. Now reason demands that
nothing be done with unfairness, with false pretence,
or with misrepresentation. Is it not deception,
then, to set snares, even if one does not mean to
start the game or to drive it into them ? Why, wild
creatures often fall into snares undriven and unpur-
sued. Could one in the same way advei'tise a house
for sale^ post upa notice To be sold," Hke a snare,
and liave somebody run into it unsuspecting ?
Owing to the low ebb of pubhc sentiment, such Qyii \^^
a method of procedure^ I find^ is neither by custom Yi"
accounted morally wrong nor forbidden either by
statute or by civil law ; nevertheless it is forbidden
by the moral law. For there is a bond of fellow-
ship — although I have often made this statement,
I must still repeat it again and again — which has the
very widest apphcation^ uniting all men together
and each to each. This bond of union is closer
between those who belong to the same nation^ and
more intimate still between those who are citizens
of the same city-state. It is for this reason that
our forefathers chose to understand one thing by the
universal law and another by the civil law. The
z2 339
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
idem continuo gentium, quod autem gentium, idem
civile esse debet. Sed nos veri iuris germanaeque
iustitiae solidam et expressam effigiem nullam tene-
mus^ umbra et imaginibus utimur. Eas ipsas utinam
sequeremurl feruntur enim ex optimis naturae et
70 veritatis exemplis. Nam quanti verba illa: uti ne
PROPTER TE FIDEMVE TUAM CAPTUS FRAUDATUSVE
sim! quam illa aurea: UT inter bonos bene agier
OPORTET et sine fraudatione! Scd, qui sint
boni," et quid sit bene agi," magna quaestio est.
Q. quidem Scaevola, pontifex maximus, summam
vim esse dicebat in omnibus iis arbitriis, in quibus
adderetur ex fide bona, fideique bonae nomen existi-
mabat manare latissime, idque versari in tutelis
societatibus, fiduciis mandatis, rebus emptis ven-
ditis, conductis locatis, quibus vitae societas contine-
retur; in iis magni esse iudicis statuere, praesertim
cum in plerisque essent iudicia contraria, quid quem-
que cuique praestare oporteret.
71 Quocirca astutiae tollendae sunt eaque malitia,
quae volt illa quidem videri se esse prudentiam, sed
abest ab ea distatque plurimimi. Prudentia est enim
locata in dilectu bonorum et malorum, malitia, si
340
BOOK III. xvii
civil law is not necessarily also the universal law ;
but the universal law ought to be also the civil law.
But we possess no substantial, life-like image of true
Law and genuine Justice ; a mere outhne sketch is
all that we enjoy. I only wish that we were true
even to this ; for, even as it is, it is drawn from the
excellent models which Nature and Truth afford.
) For how weighty are the woi-ds : That I be not " Good faith "
- „in performance
deceived and defrauded through you and my conh- of contracts.
dence in 3'ou"! How precious are these: As
between honest people there ought to be honest
deahng, and no deception"! But who are honest
people," and what is "honest deahng" — these are
seiious questions.
It "vvas Quintus Scaevola, the pontifex maximus,
who used to attach the greatest importance to all
questions of arbitration to which the formula was
appended "as good faith requires;" and he held
that the expression ' good faith " had a veiy exten-
sive apphcation, for it was employed in trusteeships
and partnerships, in trusts and commissions, in buy-
ing and selhng, in hiring and letting — in a word, in
all the transactions on which the social relations of
daily life depend ; in these, he said, it required a
judge of great abihty to decide the extent of each
individuaVs obhgation to the other, especially when
counter-claims were admissible in most cases.
1 Away, then, with sharp practice and trickery,
which desires, of course, to pass for wisdom, but is
far from it and totally unlike it. For the function
of wisdom is to discriminate between good and evil ;
341
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
omniaj quae turpia sunt, mala sunt, mala bonis ponit
ante.
Nec vero in praediis solum ius civile ductum a
natura malitiam fraudemque vindicat, sed etiam in
mancipiorum venditione venditoris fraus omnis ex-
cluditur. Qui enim scire debuit de sanitate, de
fuga, de furtis, praestat edicto aedilium. Heredum
alia causa est.
72 Ex quo intellegitur, quoniam iuris natura fons sit,
hoc secundum naturam esse, neminem id agere, ut
ex alterius praedetur inscitia. Nec uUa pernicies
vitae maior inveniri potest quam in malitia simulatio
intellegentiae ; ex quo ista innumerabilia nascuntur,
ut utilia cum honestis pugnare videantur. Quotus
enim quisque reperietur, qui impunitate et ignora-
tione omnium proposita abstinere possit iniuria ?
73 XVIII. Periclitemur, si placet, et in iis quidem
exemplis, in quibus peccari volgus hominum fortasse
non putet. Neque enim de sicariis, veneficis, testa-
mentariis, furibus, peculatoribus hoc loco disseren-
dum est, qui non verbis sunt et disputatione philoso-
phorum, sed vincHs et carcere fatigandi, sed haec ^
consideremus, quae faciunt ii, qui habentur boni.
L. Minuci Basili, locupletis hominis, falsum testa-
mentum quidam e Graecia Romam attulerunt. Quod
' haec c. Edd. ; hoc B H a b.
842
BOOK III. xvii-xviii
whereas, inasmuch as all things morally w^rong are
evil, triekery prefers the evil to the good.
It is not only in the case of real estate transfers
that the civil law, based upon a natural feeling for
the right, punishes trickery and deception, but also
in the sale of slaves every form of deception on the
vendors part is disallowed. For by the aediles'
ruhng the vendor is answerable for any deficiency in
the slave he sells, for he is supposed to know if his
slave is souiid, or if he is a runaway, or a thief. The
case of those who have just come into the possession
of slaves by inheritance is different.
From this we come to realize that since nature is cunning is not
the source of right, it is not in accord with nature wisdom.
that anyone should take advantage of his neigh-
bour's ignorance. And no greater curse in life can
be found than knavery that wears the mask of wis-
dom. Thence come those countless cases in which
the expedient seems to conflict with the right. For
how few will be found who can refrain from wrong-
doing, if assured of the power to keep it an absolute
secret and to run no risk of punishment !
XVIII. Let us put our principle to the test, if
you please, and see if it holds good in those instances
in which, perhaps, the world in general finds no
wrong; for in this connection we do not need to
discuss cut-throats, poisoners, forgers of wills, thieves,
and embezzlers of public moneys, who should be
repressed not by lectures and discussions of philoso-
phers, but by chains and prison walls; but let us
study here the conduct of those who have the repu-
tation of being honest men.
Certain individuals brought from Greece to Rome
a forged will, purporting to be that of the wealthy
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CICERO DE OFFICIIS
quo facilius optinerent, scripserunt heredes secum
M. Crassum et Q. Hortensium, homines eiusdem
aetatis potentissimos ; qui cum illud falsum esse
suspicarentur, sibi autem nullius essent conscii
culpae, alieni facinoris munusculum non repudiave-
runt. Quid ergo? satin est hoc, ut non deliquisse
videantur? Mihi quidem non videtur, quamquam
alterum vivum amavi, alterum non odi mortuum ;
74 sed, cum Basihis M. Satrium, sororis fihum, nomen
suum ferre voluisset eumque fecisset heredem (hunc
dico patronum agri Piceni et Sabini; o turpem
notam temporum [nomen illorum] l),^ non erat aequum
principes civis rem habere, ad Satrium nihil praeter
nomen pervenire. Etenim, si is, qui non defendit
iniuriam neque propulsat,^ cum potest, iniuste facit,
§23 ut in primo libro disserui, quahs habendus est is, qui
non modo non repellit, set etiam adiuvat iniuriam ?
Mihi quidem etiam verae heredibites non honestae
videntur, si sunt mahtiosis blanditiis, officiorum non
veritate, sed simulatione quaesitae.
Atqui in taHbus rebus ahud utile interdum, aliud
75 honestum videri solet. Falso ; nam eadem utiHtatis,
(75) quae honestatis, est regula. Qui hoc non pervidont,
^turpetn notam temportim nomefi illorum H a {turpe) b,
Bt. ; excl. nomcn illoruvt Victorius, Ed. ; tttrpe noiiien illo-
rum temporum c.
^ propulsat cod. Bern., O., Edd.; proputsat a suis Edd.
aThe shame was that stales enjoying-the rigflitsof Roman
citizenship should need a patron to protccl their interests in
the Roman capital.
844
BOOK III. xviii
Lucius Minucius Basilus. The more easily to pro-
cure validity for it, they made joint-heirs with them-
selves two of the most influential men of the day,
Marcus Crassus and Quintus Hortensius. Although
these men suspected that the will was a forgeiy,
still, as they were conscious of no personal guilt in
the matter, they did not spurn the miserable boon
procured through the crime of others. What shall we
say, then? Is this excuse competent to acquit them
of guilt? I cannot think so, although I loved the
one while he lived, and do not hate the other now
that he is dead. Be that as it may, Basilus had in fact
desired that his nephew Marcus Satrius should bear
his name and inherit his property. (I refer to the
Satrius who is the present patron of Picenum and
the Sabine country — and oh, what a shameful stigma
it is upon the times ! ^) And therefore it was not
right that two of the leading citizens of Rome
should take the estate and Satrius succeed to nothing
except his uncle's name. For if he does wrong who
does not ward ofF and repel injury when he can — as
I explained in the course of the FirstBook — what is to
be thought of the man who not only does not try to
prevent wrong, but actually aids and abets it? For
my part, I do not believe that even genuine legacies
are moral, if they are souglit after by designing
flatteries and by attentions liypocritical rather than
sincere.
And j^et in such cases there are times when one Thesamestand-
course is likely to appear expedient and another di^ncy asToV
morally right. The appearance is deceptive; for morairectitude.
our standard is the same for expediency and for
moral rectitude. And the man who does not accept
the truth of this will be capable of any sort of dis-
345
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
ib hoc nulla fraus aberit, nullum facinus, Sic enim
cogitans : ' Est istuc quidem honestum, verum hoc
expedit/' res a natura copulatas audebit errore
divellere^ qui fons est fraudium, maleficiorum, scele-
Tum omnium.
XIX. Itaque, si vir bonus habeat hanc vim, utj si
digitis concrepuerit, possit in locupletium testamenta
nomen eius inrepere, hac vi non utatur, ne si explo-
ratum quidem habeat id omnino neminem umquam
Guspicaturum. At dares hanc vim M. Crasso, ut
digitorum percussione heres posset scriptus esse, qui
re vera non esset heres, in forOj mihi crede, saltaret.
Homo autem iustus isque, quem sentimus virum
bonum, nihil cuiquam, quod in se transferat, detra-
het. Hoc qui admiratur, is se, quid sit vir bonus,
76 nescire fateatur. At vero, si qui voluerit animi sui
compHcatam notionem evolvere, iam se ipse doceat
cum virum bonum esse, qui prosit, quibus possit,
noceat nemini nisi lacessitus iniuria. Quid ergo .''
hic non noceat, qui quodam quasi veneno perficiat,
ut veros heredes moveat, in eorum locum ipse succe-
dat? '*Non igitur faciat," dixerit quis, quod utile
sit, quod expediat ? " Immo intellegat niliil nec
«The Platonic doctrine of ideas known in a previous
existence and gradiially developing- into renewed con-
sciousness. Learning- is but a remembering of what the
soul has known before.
346
BOOK III. xviii-xix
honesty, any sort of crime. For if he reasons
"That is^ to be sure, the right course, but this
course brings advantage," he will not hesitate in his
mistaken judgment to divorce two conceptions that
nature has made one; and that spirit opens the
door to all sorts of dishonesty, wrong-doing, and
crime.
XIX. Suppose^ then, that a good man had such Thegoodman
power that at a snap of his fingers his name could unrighteous
steal into rich men's wills^ he would not avail him- sam.
self of that power — no^ not even though he could be
perfectly sure that no one would ever suspect it.
Suppose, on the other hand^ that one were to offer
a Marcus Crassus the power, by the mere snapping
of his fingers, to get himself named as heir, when he
was not really an heir, he would, I warrant you,
dance in the forum. But the righteous man, the
one whom we feel to be a good man, would never
rob anyone of anything to enrich himself. If any-
body is astonished at this doctrine, let him confess
76 that he does not know what a good man is. If, on whoisthegooi
the other hand, anyone should desire to unfold the ™^°'
idea of a good man which lies wrapped up in his OAvn
mind/ he would then at once make it clear to him-
self that a good man is one who helps all whom he
can and harms nobody, unless provoked by wrong.,
What shall we say, then? Would he not be doing
harm who by a kind of magic spell should succeed
in displacing the real heirs to an estate and pushing
himself into their place? Well/' some one may
say, " is he not to do what is expedient, what is ad-
vantageous to himself ? " Nay, verily ; he should rather
be brought to reahze that nothing that is unjust is
either advantageous or expedient; if he does not
347
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
expedire nec utile esse, quod sit iniustum; hoc qui
non didicerit, bonus vir esse non poterit.
77 C} Fimbriara consularem audiebam de patre nostro
puer iudicem M. Lutatio Pinthiae fuisse, equiti
Romano sane honesto, cum is sponsionem fecisset,
Ni viR BONUS ESSET. Itaque ei dixisse Fimbriam se
illam rem numquam iudicaturum, ne aut spoliaret
fama probatum hominem^ si contra iudicavisset, aut
statuissc videretur virum bonum esse aliquem, cum
ea res innumerabilibus officiis et laudibus contine-
retur.
Huic igitur viro bono, quem Fimbria etiam, non
modo Socrates noverat, nullo modo videri potest
quicquam esse utile, quod non honestum sit. Itaque
talis vir non modo facere, sed ne cogitare quidem
quicquam audebit, quod non audeat praedicare.
Haec non turpe est dubitare philosophos, quae ne
rustici quidem dubitent? a quibus natum est id,
quod iam contritum est vetustate, proverbium. Cum
cnim fidem alicuius bonitatemque laudant, dignum
esse dicunt, quicum in tenebris mices." Hoc quam
habet vim nisi illam, nihil expedire, quod non
'C. Bt., Ed., Heine; not in MSS.
aLit. ' flash with the fingers'; shoot out some fing-ers
the number of which had to be guessed.
348
liOOK III. xix
learn this lessoiij it will never be possible for him to
be a good man."
When I was a boy, I used to hear my father tell
that Gaius Fimbriaj an ex-consul, was judge in a
case of Marcus Lutatius Pinthia, a Roman knight of
irreproachable character. On that occasion Pinthia
had laid a wager to be forfeited if he did not prove
in court that he was a good man." Fimbria de-
clared that he would never render a decision in such
a case, for fear that he might either rob a reputable
man of his good name, if he decided against him, or
be thought to have pronounced some one a good
man, when such a character is, as he said, estabhshed
by the performance of countless duties and the pos-
session of praiseworthy quahties without number.
To this type of good man, then, known not only to a good maD
to a Socrates but even to a Fimbria, nothing can ITevTrex^pedjen
possibly seem expedient that is not morally right.
Such a man, therefore, will never venture to think
— to say nothing of doing — anything that he would
not dare openly to proclaim. Is it not a shame that
philosophers should be in doubt about moral ques-
tions on which even peasants have no doubts at all ?
For it is with peasants that the proverb, already trite
with age, originated: when they praise a man's
honour and honesty, they say "He is a man with
whom you can safely play at odd and even* in the
dark." What is the point of the proverb but this —
that what is not proper brings no advantage, even if
S49
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deceat, etiamsi id possis nullo refellente optinere.''
78 Videsne hoc proverbio neque Gygi illi posse
veniam dari neque huic, quem paulo ante fingebam
digitorum percussione hereditates omnium posse
converrere ? Ut enim^ quod turpe est, id, quamvis
occultetur, tamen honestum fieri nullo modo potest,
sic, quod honestum non est, id utile ut sit, effici non
potest adversante et repugnante natura.
79 XX. At enim, cum permagna praemia sunt, est
causa peccandi.
C. Marius cum a spe consulatus longe abesset et
iam septimum annum post praeturam iaceret, neque
petiturus umquam consulatum videretur, Q. Metel-
lum, cuius legatus erat, summum virum et civem,
cum ab eo, imperatore suo, Romam missus esset,
apud populum Romanum criminatus est bellum illum
ducere; si se consulem fecissent, brevi tempore aut
vivum aut mortuum lugurtham se in potestatem
populi Romani redactui-um. Itaque factus est ille
quidem consul, sed a fide iustitiaque discessit, qui
optimum et gravissimum civem, cuius legatus et a
quo missus esset, in invidiam falso crimine adduxerit.
80 Ne noster quidem Gratidianus officio viri boni
' et tam Edd. ; etiam MSS.
S50
BOOK III. xix-xx
you can gain your end without any one's being able
to convict you of wrong ?
Do you not see that in the hght of this proverb
no excuse is available either for the Gyges of the
story or for the man who I assumed a moment ago
could with a snap of his fingers sweep together
everybody's inheritance at once. For as the morally
wrong cannot by any possibility be made morally
rightj however successfully it may be covered up^ so
what is not morally right cannot be made expedient,
for nature refuses and resists.
XX. "But stay," some one will object^ " when xhe morai loss
the prize is very great^ there is excuse for doing wrong°^b^ ""^
Wrong." tions:
Gaius Marius had been left in obscurity for more (i)Marius,
than six whole years after his praetoi'ship and had
scarcely the remotest hope of gaining the consul-
ship. It looked as if he would never even be a
candidate for that office. He was now a lieutenant ^|#v^
under Quintus Metelhis, who sent him on a furlough
to Rome. There before the Roman People he
accused his own general, an eminent man and one
of our first citizens^ of purposely protracting the war
and declared that if they would make him consul^
he would within a short time deUver Jugurtha alive
or dead into the hands of the Roman People. And
so he was elected consul, it is true, but he was a
traitor to his own good faith and to justice; for by a
false charge he subjected to popular disfavour an
exemplary and highly respected citizen, and that
too, although he was his heutenant and under leave
of absence from him.
Even our kinsman Gratidianus failed on one occa- (2) Gratidianus,
3.51
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functus est tum^ cum praetor esset collegiumque
praetorium tribuni plebi adhibuissentj ut res num-
maria de communi sententia constitueretur ; iacta-
batur enim temporibus illis nummus sic, ut nemo
posset scire, quid haberet. Conscripserunt commu-
niter edictum cum poena atque iudicio constitue-
runtque, ut omnes simul in rostra post meridiem
escenderent. Et ceteri quidem alius alio, Marius
ab subselliis in rostra recta idque, quod communiter
compositum fuerat, solus edixit. Et ea res, si quaeris,
ei magno honori fuit; omnibus vicis statuae, ad eas
tus, cerei ; quid multa ? nemo umquam multitudini
fuit carior,
8 1 Haec sunt, quae conturbent in deliberatione non
numquam, cum id, in quo violatur aequitas, non ita
magnum, illud autem, quod ex eo paritur, perma-
gnum videtur, ut Mario praeripere collegis et tribunis
plebi popularem gratiam non ita turpe, consulem ob
eam rem fieri, quod sibi tum proposuerat, valde utile
videbatur. Sed omnium una regula est, quam tibi
cupio esse notissimam, aut illud, quod utile videtur,
turpe ne sit aut, si turpe est, ne videatur esse utile.
a Gratidianiis's.
bNever attained, however. For his conspicuous position
as a popular leader made him an early mark for Sulla's
proscriptions.
352
BOOK III. XX
sion to perform what would be a good man's duty :
in his praetorship the tribunes of the people sum-
moned the college of praetors to counsel, in order
to adopt by joint resolution a standard of value for
our currency; for at that time the value of money
was so fluctuating that no one could tell how much
he was worth. In joint session they drafted an
ordinance^ defining the penalty and the methods of
procedure in cases of violation of the ordinance^ and
agreed that they should all appear together upon
the rostra in the afternoon to pubhsh it. And while
all the rest withdrew^ some in one direction, some
in another^ Marius (Gratidianus) went straight from
the council chamber to the rostra and published
individually what had been drawn up by all together.
And that coup, if you care to know, brought him
vast honour; in every street statues of him were
erected; before these incense and candles burned.
In a word, no one ever enjoyed greater popularity
with the masses.
It is such cases as these that sometimes perplex Nomateriai
us in our consideration, when the point in which pen^ate^for
justice is violated does not seem so very significant, inoraiioss-
but the consequences of such shght transgression
seem exceedingly important. For example, it was not
so very wrong morally, in the eyes of Marius,^ to over-
reach his colleagues and the tribunes in turning to
himself alone all the credit with the people ; but to
secure by that means his election to the consulship,
which was then the goal of his ambition,^ seemed
very greatly to his interest. But for all cases we
have one rule, with which I desire you to be per-
fectly famihar: that which seems expedient mus^
not be morally wrong; or, if it is morally wrong, it
AA 353
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Quod igitur? possumusne aut illum Marium virum
bonum iudicai*e aut hunc^? Explica atque excnte
intellegentiam tuam, ut videas, quae sit in ea [speciesj
forma^ et notio viri boni. Cadit ergo in virum bonum
mentiri emolumenti sui causa, criminari, praeripere,
fallere? Nihil profecto minus.
82 Est ergo ulla res tanti aut commodum ullum tam
expetendum, ut viri boni et splendorem et nomen
amittas ? Quid est, quod afFerre tantum utilitas
ista, quae dicitur, possit, quantum auferre, si boni
viri nomen eripuerit, fidem iustitiamque detraxerit ?
Quid enim interest, utrum ex homine se convertat
quis in beluam an hominis figura immanitatem gerat
beluae ?
XXI. Quid ? qui omnia recta et honesta negle-
gunt, dum modo potentiam consequantur, nonne
idem faciunt, quod is, qui etiam socerum habere
voluit eum, cuius ipse audacia potens esset ? Utile
ei videbatur plurimum posse alterius invidia ; id
quam iniustum in patriam et quam turpe esset, non
videbat. Ipse autem socer in ore semper Graecos
versus de Phoenissis liabebat, quos dicam, ut potero,
incondite fortasse, sed tamen, ut res possit intellegi :
* aut hunc c, Edd. ; atque hunc B H a b.
^ ea species forma B H a b ; ^a specie fonna c p ; eaforma,
Klotz, Heine, Ed. ; ea species, Bt.
«Pompey, who in sgmanied Caesar's daughter Julia,
twenty-four years his junior, and already betrothed to
Caepio.
354
BOOK III. xx-xxi
must not seem expedient. What folloAvs ? Can we
account either the great Marius or our Marius Grati-
dianus a good man ? Work out your own ideas and
sift your thoughts so as to see what conception and
idea of a good man they contain. Pray^ tell me,
does it coincide with the character of your good man
to lie for his own profit, to slander, to overreachj to
deceive? Nay, verily; anything but that!
Is there, then, any object of such value or any
advantage so worth the winning that, to gain it, one
should sacrifice the name of a good man" and the
lustre of his reputation? What is tliere that your
so-called expediency can bring to you that will com-
pensate for what it can take away, if it steals from
you the name of a good man" and causes you to
lose your sense of honour and justice ? For what
difference does it make whether a man is actually
transformed into a beast or whether, keeping the
outward appearance of a man, he has the savage
nature of a beast within ?
XXI. Again, when people disregard everything
that is morally right and true, if only they may
secure power thereby, are they not pursuing the
same course as he^ who wished to have as a father-in- (3)Pompcv,
law the man by whose efFrontery he might gain
power for himself ? He thought it advantageous to
secure supreme power while the odium of it fell
upon another; and he failed to see how unjust to
his country this was, and how wrong morally. But (4)Caesax
the father-in-law himself used to have continually
upon his hps the Greek verses from the Phoenissae,
whicl I will reproduce as well as I can — awkwardly,
it may be, bijt still so that the meaning can be
understood :
A4? 355
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Eiir. Phoen- Nam si violandum est iiis, regnancL gnitia
524-525
Violandum est ; aliis rebus pietatem colas.
Capitalis [Eteocles vel potius Euripides],^ qui id
unum, quod omnium sceleratissimum fuerit, exce-
83 perit! Quid igitur minuta colligimus, hereditates,
mercaturas, venditiones fraudulentas? ecce tibi, qui
rex populi Romani dominusque omnium gentium
esse concupiverit idque perfecerit I Hanc cupidita-
tem si honestam quis esse dicit, amens cst; probat
enim legum et libertatis interitum earumque oppres-
sionem taetram et detestabilem gloriosam putat.
Qui autem fatetur honestum non esse in ea civitate,
quae libera fuerit quaeque^ esse debeat, regnare, sed
ei, qui id facere possit, esse utile, qua hunc obiurga-
tione aut quo potius convicio a tanto errore coner
avellere? Potest enim, di immortales! cuiquam esse
utile foedissimum et taeterrimum parrieidium patriae,
quamvis is, qui se eo obstrinxerit, ab oppressis civi-
bus parens nominetur? Honestate igitur dirigenda^
utilitas est, et quidem sic, ut haec duo verbo inter se
discrepare, re unum sonare videantur.
84 Non habeo, ad volgi opinionem quae maior utilitas
quam regnandi esse possit; nihil contra inutihus ei,
qui id iniuste consecutus sit, invenio, cum ad veritatem
^Bracketed by Ed., Heine, et al.
*fuerii quacque c, Edd. ; fitit B W a b.
^ dirigenda MSS., Edd. plerique ; derigenda Ed.
a From A. S. Way's translation.
bThe title bestovved on Cicero for savingf the republic
(in 63) and on Caesar for overthrowing- it (after the batile
of Munda, in 45).
356
BOOK III. xxi
" If wrong may e'er be right^ for a throne's sake
Were wrong most right:— be God in all else
feared:"^
Our tjrant deserved his death for liaving made an
exception of the one thing that was the blackest
5 crime of all. VVhy do we gather instances of petty
crime — legacies criminally obtained and fraudulent
buying and selHng? Behold^ here you have a man
who was ambitious to be king of the Roman People
and master of the whole world ; and he achieved it !
The man who maintains that such an ambition is Even to gain a
morally right is a madman; for he justifies the de- wrongisnot*'"
struction of law and liberty and thinks their hideous expedient,
and detestable suppression glorious. But if auyone
agrees that it is not morally right to be king in a
state that once was free and that ought to be free
now, and yet imagines that it is advantageous for
him who can reach that position, Avitli what remon-
strance or rather with what appeal sliould I try to
tear him away from so strange a delusion? For, oh
ye immortal gods ! can the most horrible and hideous
of all murders — that of fatherland — bring advantage
to anybody, even though he who has committed
such a crime receives from his enslaved fellow-
citizens the title of " Father of his Counti-y " ^' ? identity of
Expediency, tlierefore, must be measured by the morltr^eTtUud^
standard of moral rectitude, and in such a way, too,
that these two words shall seem in sound only to be
different but in real meaning to be one and the same.
i AVhat greater advantage one could have, according
to the standard of popular opinion, than to be a king,
I do not know ; wlien, however, I begin to bring the
question back to the standai*d of truth, then I find
nothing more disadvantageous for one who has risen
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CICERO DB OFFICIIS
coepi revocare rationem. Possunt enim cuiquam esse
utiles angores, sollicitudines, diurni et nocturni metus,
vita insidiarum periculorumque plenissima?
inc. Fab; Miilti iniqui atque infideles regno, pauci benivoli/
Ribbeck^, ^ -l o 7 1- j
*5l inquit Accius. At cui regno? Quod a Tantalo et
Pelope proditum iure optinebatur. Nam quanto plu-
ris ei regi putas, qui exercitu populi Romani populum
ipsum Romanum oppressisset civitatemque non modo
liberam, sed etiam gentibus imperantem servire sibi
85 coegisset? Hunc tu quas conscientiae labes in animo
censes habuisse, quae vulnera? Cuius autem vita
ipsi potest utilis esse, cum eius vitae ea condicio sit,
ut, qui illam eripuerit, in maxima et gratia futurus sit
et gloria ? Quodsi haec utilia non sunt, quae maxime
videntur, quia plena simt dedecoris ac turpitudinis,
satis persuasum esse debet nihil esse utile, quod non
honestum sit.
86 XXII. Quamquam id quidem cum saepe alias, tum
Pyrrhi bello a C. Fabricio consule iterum et a senatu
nostro iudicatum est. Cum enim rex Pyrrhus populo
Romano bellum ultro intulisset, cumque de imperio
certamen esset cum rege generoso ac potenti,^ per-
fuga ab eo venit in castra Fabrici eique est pollicitus,
si praemium sibi proposuisset, se, ut clam venisset, sic
clam in Pyrrhi castra rediturum et eum veneno ne-
^beni{e)voU Slurenbg'. ; benivoli suni c ; bonisunt B H a b.
*^o/^M^» Nonius, Y.dd. ', potente MSS.
858
BOOK 111. xxi-xxii
to that height by injustice. For can occasions for
worry, anxiety, fear by day and by nightj and a life all
beset with plots and perils be of advantage to any-
bodv ? '
Thrones have many foes and friends untrue,
but few devoted friends,"
says Accius. But of what sort of throne was he
speaking ? Why, one that was held by right, handed
down from Tantalus and Pelops. Aye, but how many
more foes, think you, had that king who with the
Roman People's anny brought the Roman People
themselves into subjection and compelled a state that
not only had been free but had been mistress of the
world to be his slave ? Wliat stains do you think he
had upon his conscience, what scars upon his heart?
But whose Hfe can be advantageous to himself, if that
Hfe is his on the condition that the man who takes it
shall be held in undying gratitude and glory ? But
if these things which seem so very advantageous are
not advantageous because they are full of shame and
moral wrong, we ought to be quite convinced that
nothing can be expedient that is not morally right.
XXII. And yet this very question has been de- Apparent
cided on many occasions before and since ; but in expediency aifd
the war with Pyrrhus the decision rendered by Gaius morai rectitude
Fabricius, in his second consulship, and by our senate the deserter,
was particularly striking. Without provocation King
Pyrrhus had declared war uponthe Roman People; the
struggle was against a generous and powerful prince,
and the supremacy of power was the prize ; a deserter
came over from him to the camp of Fabricius and
promised,if Fabricius would assure him of a reward,to
return to the camp of Pyri-hus as secretly as he had
come, administer poison to the king, and bring about
359
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
raturum. Hunc Fabricius reducendum curavit ad
Pyrrhum^ idque eius factum laudatum a senatu est.
Atqui, si speciem utilitatis opinionemque quaerimus,
magnum illud bellum perfuga unus et gravem adver-
sarium imperii sustulisset, sed magnum dedecus et
flagitium, quicum laudis certamen fuisset, eum non
virtute, sed scelere superatum.
87 Utrum igitur utilius vel Fabricio, qui talis in hac
urbe, qualis Aristides Atlienis, fuit, vel senatui nostro,
qui numquam utilitatem a dignitate seiunxit, armis
cum hoste certare an venenis? Si gloriae causa
imperium expetendum est^ scelus absit, in quo non
potest esse gloria; sin ipsae opes expetuntur quoquo
modo, non poterunt utiles esse cum infamia.
Non igitur utilis illa L. Philippi Q. f. sententia,
quas civitates L. Sulla pecunia accepta ex senatus
consulto liberavisset, ut eae rursus vectigales essent
neque iis pecuniam, quam pro libertate dederant,
redderemus. Ei senatus est assensus. Turpe imperio !
piratarum enim melior fides quam senatus. At aucta
vectigalia, utile igitur. Quousque audebunt dicere
360
BOOK III. xxii
his death. Fabricius saw to it that this fellow was
taken back to Pyrrhus; and his action was com-
mended by the senate. And yet, if the mere show
of expediency and the popular conception of it are
all we want, this one deserter would have put an
end to that wasting war and to a formidable foe of
our supremacy ; but it would have been a lasting
shame and disgrace to us to have overcome not by
valour but by crime the man with whom we had a
contest for glory.
Which course^ then, was more expedient for
Fabricius, who was to our city what Aristides was to
Athens, or for our senate, who never divorced expe-
diency from honour — to contend against the enemy
with the sword or with poison? If supremacy is to
be sought for the sake of glory, crime should be ex-
cluded, for there can be no glory in crime ; but if it
is power for its own sake that is soughtj whatever
the price, it cannot be expedient if it is linked with
shame.
That well-known measure, therefore, introduced (2) the senate
by Philippus, the son of Quintus, was not expedient. fary aiHes!*'"'
With the authority of the senate, Lucius Sulla had
exempted from taxation certain states upon receipt
of a lump sum of money from them. Phihppus
proposed that they should again be reduced to the
condition of tributary states, without repaj^ment on
our part of the money that they had paid for their
exemption. And the senate accepted his proposal.
Sharae upon our government! The pirates' sense of
honour is higher than the senate's. But," some
one will say, the revenues were increased, and
therefore it was expedient." How long will people
venture to say that a thing that is not morally right
ClCEllO DE OFFICIIS
88 quicquam utile^ quod non honestum? potest autem
ulli imperio, quod gloria debet fultum esse et beni-
volentia sociorum, utile esse odium et infamia?
Ego etiam cum Catone meo saepe dissensi; nimi»
mihi praefracte videbatur aerarium vectigahaque de-
fendei-e, omnia pubhcanis negare, multa sociis, cum
in hos benefici esse deberemus, cum ihis sic agere,
ut cum colonis nostris soleremus, eoque magis, quod*
illa ordinum coniunctio ad salutem rei pubhcae per-
tinebat. Male etiam Curio, cum causam Transpada-
norum aequam esse dicebat, semper autem addebat :
Vincat utilitasl" Fotius doceret non esse aequam,
quia non esset utihs rei pubhcae, quam, cum utilem
non esse diceret, esse aequam fateretur.
89 XXIII. Plenus est sextus hber de officiis Hecatonis
talium quaestionum: sitne boni viri in maxima
caritate annonae famiham non alere."
In utramque partem disputat, sed tamen ad ex-
tremum utihtate, ut putat, officium dirigit^ magis
quam humanitate.
Quaerit, si in mari iactura facienda sit, equine prc-
^ quod L c, Edd. ; quo B H a b.
^ <fm^«^ MSS., Edd. plerique; derig^ii "EA.
^Thepublicans, farmersof the revenue, werethe moneyed
men of the times and belonged to the equestrian order. They
purchased from the senate the farmins" of the revenues and
then sublet their contract to the colledlors. Sometimes they
found that Ihey had agreed to pay too high a rate and
petitioned the senate to release them from their contract
or reduce their obligations, as on this occasion (b.c. 6i).
The opposition of Cato and others strained tlie relations
between the senate, who had control of the business, and
the equestrian order, driving many of the equites over to
Caesar's side. Complete harmony between the senate and
the knights, as Cicero says, was the only thing that could
have saved Rome from the popular party and Caesar.
362
BOOK III. xxii-xxiii
can be expedient? Furthermore, can hatred and
shame be expedient for any government? For
government ought to be founded upon fair fame
and the loyalty of allies ?
On this point I often disagreed even witli my (3) Cato and the
„ . , _, . , , ,1,1 , • publicans,
friend Cato ; it seemed to me that lie was too rigor-
ous in his watchful care over the claims of the
treasury and the revenues; he refused everything
that the farmers of the revenue asked for and much
that the alHes desired; whereas, as I insisted, it was
our duty to be generous to the alHes and to treat
tlie pubHcans as we were accustomed individually to
treat our tenants — and all the more, because harmony
between the orders was essential to the welfare of
tlie repubHc^ Curio, too, was wrong, when he (4) Cudo and
pleaded that the demands of the people beyond the
Po were just, but never failed to add Let expedi-
ency prevail." He ought rather to have proved
that the claims were not just, because they were
not expedient for the repubHc, than to have admitted
that they were just, when, as he maintained, they
were not expedient.
XXIII. The sixth book of Hecaton's Moral Hecaton debate
Duties" is full of questions Hke the foHowing: "is expedien"r°^
it consistent with a good man's duty to let his slaves "«•
, 1 .. , o • .«.jj moralrectitude,
go hungry when provisions are at lamme prices?
Hecaton gives the arguments on both sides of the
question ; but still in the end it is by the standard of
expediency, as he conceives it, rather than by one of
human feeHng, that he decides the question of duty.
Then lie raises this question : supposing a man
had to throw part of his cargo overboard in a storm,
should he prefer to sacrifice a high-priced horse or a
cheap and worthless slave ? In this case regard for
363
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
tiosi potius iacturam faciat an servoli vilis. Hic alio
res familiaris, alio ducit Immanitas.
Si tabulam de naufragio stultus arripuerit^ ex-
torquebitne eam sapiens, si potuerit?"
Negat, quia sit iniurium.
Quid? dominus navis eripietne suum?"
Minime, non plus quam navigantem^ in alto
eicere de navi velit, quia sua sit. Quoad enim
perventum est" eo, quo sumpta navis est, non domini
est navis, sed navigantium."
90 Quid? si una tabula sit, duo naufragi, eique
sapientes, sibine utergMC^ rapiat, an alter cedat
alteri?"
Cedat vero, sed ei, cuius magis intersit vel sua
vcl rei publicae causa vivere."
Quid, si haec paria in utroque?"
Nullum erit certamen, sed quasi sorte aut mi-
cando victus alteri cedet alter."
Quid? si pater fana expilet, cuniculos agat ad
aerarium, indicetne id magistratibus filius?"
Nefas id quidem est, quin etiam defendat pa-
trem, si arguatur."
Non igitur patria praestat omnibus officiis?"
^ quayn navigantem Heus., Edd. ; guam si naz^iifan/em
MSS.
'esi c, Nonius ; sif B H a b.
^sibine uterque Victorius, Edd.; sihi ncuier MSS.
3Q)\
BOOK 111. xxiii
his property interest inclines him one way, human
feeling the other.
" Suppose that a foolish man has seized hold of a
plank from a sinking ship, shall a wise man wrest it
away from him if he can ?"
'' No/' says Hecaton; for that Avould be un-
just."
"But how about the owner of the ship? Shall
he take the plank away because it belongs to him?"
"Notatall; no more than he would be willing
when far out at sea to throw a passenger overboard
on the ground tliat the ship was his. For until they
reach the place for which the ship is chartered^ she
belongs to the passengers, not to the OAvner."
" Again; suppose there were two to be saved from
the sinking ship— both of them Mdse men — and only
one small plank, should both seize it to save them-
selves? Or should one give place to the other?"
"Why of course^ one should give place to the
other, but that other must be the one whose life is
more valuable either for his own sake or for that of
liis country."
"But what if these considerations are of equal
weight in both?"
'"Then there will be no contest, but one will give
place to the other, as if the point were decided by
lot or at a game of odd and even."
" Again, suppose a father were robbing temples or
making underground passages to the treasuiy, should
a son inform the ofncers of it?"
"Nay ; that were a crime ; rather should he defend
his father, in case he were indicted."
" Well, then, are not the claims of country para-
mount to all other duties?"
S65
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Immo vero, sed ipsi patriae conducit pios habere
cives in parentes."
Quid? si tyrannidem occupare, si patriam pro-
dere conabitur pater, silebitne filius?"
Immo vero obsecrabit patrem, ne id faciat. Si
nihil proficiet, accusabit, minabitur etiam, ad extre-
mum, si ad perniciem patriae res spectabit, patriae
salutem anteponet saluti patris."
91 Quaerit etiam, si sapiens adulterinos nummos
acceperit imprudens pro bonis, cum id rescierit,
soluturusne sit eos, si cui^ debeatj pro bonis. Dio-
genes ait, Antipater negat, cui potitis assentior.
Qui vinum^ fugiens vendat sciens, debeatne
dicere. Non necesse putat DiogeneSj Antipater viri
boni existimat. Haec sunt quasi controversa iura
Stoicorum. In mancipio vendendo dicendane
vitia, non ea, quae nisi dixeris, redhibeatur manci-
pium iure civih, sed haec, mendacem esse, aleatorem,
furacem, ebriosum?" Alteri dicenda videntur,
alteri non videntur.
92 Si quis aurum vendens orichalcum se putet
vendere, indicetne ei vir bonus aurum illud esse an
emat denario, quod sit mille denarium?"
Perspicuum est iam, et quid mihi videatur, et
quae sit inter eos philosophos, quos nominavi, con-
troversia.
^si cui c, Noniiis, Edd.; sicui B H a b.
*vinum c, Nonius, Edd.; venenum B H a b p.
» The denarius was worth at this time about ninepence.
366
BOOK III. xxiii
Aye, verily ; but it is to our country's interest to
have citizens who are loyal to their parents."
But once more — if the father attempts to make
himself king, or to betray his country, shall the son
hold his peace?"
Nay, verily ; he will plead with his father not to
do so. If that accomplishes nothing, he will take
him to task ; he will even threaten ; and in the end,
if things point to the destruction of the state^ he
will sacrifice his father to the safety of his country."
Again^ he raises the question : If a wise man a simiiar debate
should inadvertently accept counterfeit money for ^^ Dwgenes
good^ will he offer it as genuine in payment of a Antipater.
debt after he discovers his mistake?" Diogenes
says Yes"; Antipater, "No/' and I agree with
him.
If a man knowingly offers for sale wine that is
spoiHng, ought he tell his customers? Diogenes
thinks that it is not required ; Antipater holds that
an honest man would do so. These are Uke so
many points of the law disputed among the Stoics.
' In selHng a slave, should his faults be declared —
not those only which the seller is bound by the civil
law to declare or liave the slave returned to him, but
also the fact that he is untruthful, or disposed to
gamble, or steal^ or get drunk?" The one thinks
such facts should be declared, the other does not.
If a man thinks that he is selHng brass, when he
is actually selling gold, should an upright man inform
him that his stuff is gold, or go on buying for one
shilHng* what is worth a thousand? "
It is clear enough by this time what my views are
on these questions, and what are the grounds of
dispute between the above-named philosophers.
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XXIV. Pacta et promissa semperne servanda sint,
QUAE NEC VI NEC DOLo MALo, ut praetores solent, facta
SINT.
Si quis medicamentum cuipiam dederit ad aquam
intercutem pepigeritque, si eo medicamento sanus
factus esset, ne illo medicamento umquam postea
uteretur, si eo medicamento sanus factus sit et
annis aliquot post iiiciderit in eundem morbum nec
ab eo, quicum pepigerat, impetret^ ut iterum eo ^ liceat
uti, quid faciendum sit. Cum sit is inhumanus, qui
non concedat, nec ei quicquam fiat iniuriae, vitae e*"
saluti consulendum.
93 Quid? si qui sapiens rogatus sit ab eo, qui eum
heredem faciat, cum ei testaraento sestertium mihes
relinquatur, ut, ante quam hereditatem adeat, luoe
palam in foro saltet, idque se faoturum promiserit,
quod aliter heredem eum scripturus ille noii esset,
faciat, quod promiserit, necne? Promisisse nollem
et id arbitror fuisse gravitatis ; quoniam promisit, si
saltare in foro turpe ducet, honestius mentietur, si
ex hereditate niliil ceperit, quam si ceperit, nisi forte
' iterum eo Pearcc, Edd. ; item eoV> H a b; item tum c,
• Approximately ^750,000.
S68
BOOK III. xxiv
XXIV. The question arises also whether agree- i^omises not
ments and promises must always be kept, "when/' ji" wheii life or
in the language of the praetors' edicts, "they have heaithisat
not been secured through force or criminal fraud." '
If one man gives another a remedy for the dropsy,
with the stipulation that, if he is cured by it, he
shall never make use of it again; suppose the
patient's health is restored by the use of it but some
years later he contracts the same disease once more ;
and suppose he cannot secure from the man with
whom he made the agreement permission to use the
remedy again, what should he do? That is the
question. Since the man is unfeeHng in refusing
the request, and since no harm could be done to
him by his friend's using the remedy, the sick man
is justified in doing what he can for his own Ufe and
health.
Again : suppose that a millionaire is making some (2) when reputa
wise man his heir and leaving him in his will a **°°'^^'^'^''*'
hundred million sesterces^; and suppose that he has
asked the wise man, before he enters upon his in-
heritance, to dance publicly in broad dayhght in the
forum ; and suppose that the wise man has given his
promise to do so, because the rich man would not
leave him his fortune on any other condition ; should
he keep his promise or not? I wish he had made
no such promise ; that, I think, would have been in
keeping with his dignity. But seeing that he has
made it, it will be morally better for him, if he
believes it morally wrong to dance in the forum, to
break his promise and refuse to accept his inheri-
tance rather than to keep his promise and accept it
— unless, perhaps, he contributes the money to the
state to meet some grave crisis. In that case, to
BB 369
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^am pecuniam in rei publicae magnum aliquod tem-
pus contuleritj ut vel saltare, cum patriae consulturus
sit, turpe non sit.
94 XXV. Ac ne illa quidem promissa servanda sunt,
quae non sunt iis ^ ipsis utilia^ quibus illa promiseris.
Sol Phaethonti filio, ut redeamus ad fabulas, factu-
rum se esse dixit, quicquid optasset; optavit, ut in
currum patris tolleretur; sublatus est. Atque^ is^
ante quam constitit, ictu fulminis deflagravit.
Quanto melius fuerat in hoc promissum patris non
esse servatum ! Quid, quod Theseus exegit promis-
sum a Neptuno? cui cum tres optationes Neptunus
dedisset, optavit interitum Hippolyti filii, cum is
patri suspectus esset de noverca; quo optato impe-
95 trato Theseus in maximis fuit luctibus. Quid,
quod^ Agamemnon cum devovisset Dianae, quod in
suo regno pulcherrimum natum esset illo anno, im-
molavit Iphigeniam, qua nihil erat eo quidem anno
natum pulchrius? Promissum potius non faciendum
quam tam taetrum facinus admittendum fuit.
Ergo et promissa non facienda non numquam,
neque semper deposita reddenda. Si gladium quis
apud te sana mente deposuerit, repetat insaniens,
reddere peccatum sit, officium non reddere. Quid ?
si is, qui apud te pecuniam deposuerit, bellum inferat
patriae, reddasne depositum? Non credo; fecias*
' iis Edd. ; his B H a b ; hi/s c.
*Atgue MSS., Bt.\ Miiller, Heine; AiquiYL, Bt.«, Ed.
• guod Ed. ; not in MSS. , Bt. , et al.
*facias c, Bt., Ed., Heine ; facies A B H a b, Muller.
BOOK III. xxiv-xxv
promote thereby the interests of one's counlry, it
would not be morally wrong even to dancej if you
please, in the forum.
XXV. No more binding are those promises which (3) when not
are inexpedient for the persons themselves to whom hm^o^whom
they have been given. To go back to the realm of j^^^™^'^^
story, the sungod promised his son Phaethon to do
for him whatever he should wish. His wish was to
be allowed to ride in his father's chariot. It was
granted. And before he came back to the ground
he was consumed by a stroke of lightning. How
much better had it been, if in his case the father's
promise had not been kept. And what of that
promise, the fulfilment of which Theseus requix*ed
from Neptune ? When Neptune ofFered him three
wishes, he wished for the death of his son Hippoly-
tus, because the father was suspicious of the son's
relations with his step-mother. And when this wish
was granted, Theseus was overwhelmed with grief.
And once more; when Agamemnon had vowed to
Diana the most beautiful creature born that year
within his realm, he was brought to sacrifice Iphi-
genia; for in that year nothing was born more
beautiful than she. He ought to have broken his
vow rather than commit so horrible a crime.
Promises are, therefore, sometimes not to be kept ; Trusts not
and trusts are not always to be restored. Suppose restored" ^
that a person leaves his sword with you when he is
in his right mind, and demands it back in a fit of
insanity ; it would be criminal to restore it to him ;
it would be your duty not to do so. Again, suppose
that a man who has entrusted money to you proposes
to make war upon your common country, should you
restore the trust? I believe you should not; for
bb2 371
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enini contra rem publicamj qiiae debet esse carissima
Sic multa, quae honesta natura videntur esse^ tem-
poribus fiunt non honesta ; facere promissa, stare con-
ventis, reddere deposita commutata utilitate fiunt
non honesta.
Ac de iis quidem, quae videntur esse utihtates
contra iustitiam simulatione prudentiae, satis arbitror
dictum.
96 Sed quoniam a quattuor fontibus honestatis primo
§§ 15 ff. libro officia duximus, in eisdem versemur, cum doce-
II 71-95 ^i"^"S ea, quae videantur esse utilia neque sint, quam
sint virtutis inimica. Ac de prudentia quidem, quam
vult imitari malitia, itemque de iustitia, quae semper
est utilis, disputatum est. ReHquae sunt duae partes
honestatis, quarum altera in animi excellentis ma-
gnitudine et praestantia cernitur, altera in conforma-
tione et moderatione continentiae et temperantiae.
97 XXVI. Utile videbatur Ulixi, ut quidem poetae
tragici prodiderunt (nam apud Homerum, optimum
auctorem, talis de Ulixe nulla suspicio est), sed in-
simulant eum tragoediaesimulatione insaniae militiam
subterfugere voluisse. Non honestura consilium, at
utile, ut aliquis fortasse dixerit, regnare et Ithacae
vivere otiose cum parentibus, cum uxore, cum filio.
372
BOOK III. xxv-xxvi
you would be acting against the state, which ought
to be the dearest thing in the world to you. Thus
there are many things which in and of themselves
seem morally right, but which under certain circum-
stances prove to be not morally right: to keep a
promise, to abide by an agreement, to restore a
trust^may^ with a change of expediency, cease to be
morally right.
With this I think I have said enough about those
actions which masquerade as expedient under the
guise of prudence, jwhile they are really contraryjto
justice.
Since, however, in Book One we derived moral
duties from the four sources of moral rectitude, let us
continue the same fourfold division here in pointing
out how hostile to virtue are those courses of con-
duct which seem to be, but really are not, expedient.
We have discussed wisdom, which cunning seeks to
counterfeit, and Hkewise justice, which is always
expedient. There remain for our discussion two
divisions of moral rectitude, the one of which is
discernible in the greatness and pre-eminence of a
superior soul, the other, in the shaping and regula-
tion of it by temperance and self-control.
XXVI. Ulysses thought hts ruse expedient, as ApparentExpe
the tragic poets, at least, have represented him. In ^'^^'^^vs.
Homer, our most reliable authority, no such suspicion f, w'n"!^®",
is cast upon him ; but the tragedies charge him with ruse,
trying to escape a soldier's service by feigning mad-
ness. The trick was not morally right, but, some
one may perhaps say, " It was expedient for him to
keep his throne and live at ease in Ithaca with
parents, wife, and son. Dc you think that there
373
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Ullum tu decus in cotidianis laboi-ibus et pericuns
cum hac tranquillitate conferendum putas ?
Ego vero istam contemnendam et abiciendam,
quoniam, quae honesta non sit, ne utilem quidem
98 esse arbitror. Quid enim auditurum putas fuisse Uli-
xem, si in illa simulatione perseveravisset ? qui cum ma-
ximas res gesserit in bello,tamenhaec audiat ab Aiace:
(Accius or Cuius ipse princeps iiiris iurandi fuit,
judkTum' Quod (Smnes scitis, solus neglexit fidem;
Armonim?) Furcre assimulare, n^ coiret, institit.
Ribbecka ' Quodni Palamedi perspicax prudentia
^^'^ Istius percepset^ malitiosam audaciam,
Fid6 sacratae^ ius perpetuo falleret.
99 Illi vero non modo cum hostibus, verum etiam cura
fluctibus, id quod fecit, dimicare melius fuit quam
deserere consentientem Graeciam ad bellum barbaris
inferendum.
Sed omittamus et fabulas et externa; ad rem
factam nostramque veniamus. / M. Atilius Regulus
cum consul iterum in Africa ex insidiis captus esset
duce Xanthippo Lacedaemonio, imperatore autem
patre Hannibalis Hamilcare, iuratus missus est ad
senatum, ut, nisi redditi essent Poenis captivi nobiles
quidam, rediret ipse Carthaginem. Is cum Romam
^ percepset Bt., Ed., Heine ; percepisset MSS. ; perspexet
MuUer. • sacratae Edd. ; sacrata B H a b ; sacratum c.
a Cicero is careless in his dates. Regulus was consul in
267 and 256. He was defeated and taken prisoner in his
second proconsulship at the battle of Tunes in 255. And the
Hamilcar of 255 was not Hannibars father, for his career
does not begin until 247, when he wasa mereyouth, and he
was still in his prime when he feli in battle in Spain, in 229.
bAt the battle of Panormus in 250 Lucius Caecilius
Metellus took among the prisoners no less than thirteen
Carthag^inian generals — all men of noble birth.
/ BOOK III. xxvi
y
is any glory in facing daily toil and danger that can
b^ compared with a life of such tranquillity ? "
Nay ; I think that tranquillity at such a price is to
be despised and rejected; for if it is not morally
98 right, neither is it expedient. For what do you
think would have been said of Ulysses, if he hac .
persisted in that pretended madness, seeing that,
notwithstanding his deeds of heroism in the war, he
was nevertheless upbraided by Ajax thus :
" 'Twas he himself who first proposed the oath ;
ye all
Do know ; yet he alone of all his vow did break ;
He feigned persistently that he was mad, that
thus
He might not have to join the host. And had not
then
Palamedes, shrewd and wise, his tricky impu-
dence
Unmasked, he had evaded e'en for aye his vow."
99 Nay, for him it had been better to battle not only
with the enemy but also with the waves, as he did,
than to desert Greece when she was united for
waging the war against the barbai*ians.
But let us leave illustrations both from story and
from foreign lands and turn to real events in our own
historyyfMarcus Atiiius Regulus in his second con- (2) the exampie
sulship was taken prisoner in Africa by the stratagem
of Xanthippus, a Spartan general serving under
the command of HannibaVs father Hamilcar.* He
was sent to the senate on parole, sworn to return
to Carthage himself, if certain noble prisoners of
war'' were not restored to the Carthaginians. When
he came to Rome, he could not fail to see the
375
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
venisset, utilitatis speeiem videbat, sed eam, ut rt^
declarat, falsam iudicavit ; quae erat talis : manere in
patria, esse domui suae cum uxore, cum liberis, quam
calamitatem accepisset in bello, communem fortunae
bellicae iudicantem tenere consularis dignitatis gra-
dum. Quis haec negat esse utilia? quem censes?
100 Magnitudo animi et fortitudo negat. XXVII. Num'
locupletiores quaeris auctores? Harum enim est
virtutum proprium nihil extimescere, omnia humana
despicere, nihil, quod homini accidere possit, intole-
randum putarei Itaque quid fecit? In senatum
venit, mandata exposuit, sententiam ne diceret re-
cusavit, quam diu iure iurando hostium teneretur,
non esse se senatorem. Atque illud etiam ( O stul-
tum hominem," dixerit quispiam, et repugnantem
utihtati suae!"), reddi captivos negavit esse utile;
illos enim adulescentes esse et bonos duces, se iam
confectum senectute. Cuius cum valuisset auctori-
tas, captivi retenti sunt, ipse Carthaginem rediit,
neque eum caritas patriae retinuit nec suorum.
Neque vero tum ignorabat se ad crudehssimum
hostem et ad exquisita supplicia proficisci, sed ius
iurandum conservandum putabat. Itaque tum, cura
876
' num A L c, Edd. ; nam B H a b.
BOOK III. xxvi-xxvii
specious appearance of expediency, but he decided
that it was unreal, as the outcome proves. His ap-
parent interest was to remain in his own country, to
stay at home with his wife and childrenj and to
retain his rank and dignity as an ex-consul, regarding
the defeat which he had sufFered as a misfortune
that might come to anyone in the game of war.
Who says that this was not expedient ? Who, think
you ? Greatness of soul and courage say that it was
not. XXVII. Can you ask for more competent The violation
authorities ? The denial comes from those virtues, l^J^ ^l\ jjave
for it is characteristic of them to await nothing }'o^j''hirn^^'^'^°*
with fear, to rise superior to all the vicissitudes of
earthly life, and to count nothing intolerable that
can befall a human being. W^hat, then, did he do ?
He came into the senate and stated his mission;
but he refused to give his own vote on the question;
for, he held, hewas not a member of the senate so
long as he was bound by the oath sworn to his
enemies. And more than that, he said — What a
fooHsh fellow," some one will say, to oppose his
own best interests " — he said that it was not ex-
pedient that the prisoners should be returned ; for
they were young men and gallant officers, while he
was already bowed with age. And when his counsel
prevailed, the prisoners were retained and he him-
self returned to Carthage ; affection for his country
and his family failed to hold him back. And even
then he was not ignorant of the fact that he was
going to a most cruel enemy and to exquisite torture ;
still, he thought his oath must be sacredly kept.
And so even then, when he was being slowly put to
death by enforced wakefulness, he enjoyed a happier
377
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vigilando necabatur, erat in meliore causa, quam si
domi senex captivus, periurus consularis remansisset.
101 At stulte, qui non modo non censuerit captivos
remittendos, verum etiam dissuaserit.
Quo modo stulte? etiamne, si rei publicae con-
ducebat? potest autem, quod inutile rei publicae
sit, id cuiquam civi utile esse?
XXVIII. Pervertunt homines ea, quae sunt funda-
menta naturae, cum utilitatem ab honestate seiun-
gunt. Omnes enim expetimus utiUtatem ad eamque
rapimur nec facere aUter ullo modo possumus. Nam
quis est, qui utilia fugiat ? aut quis potius, qui ea non
studiosissime persequatur? Sed quia nusquam pos-
sumus nisi in laude, decore, honestate utilia reperire,
propterea illa prima et summa habemus, utiUtatis
nomen non tam splendidum quam necessarium duci-
mus.
102 Quid est igitur, dixerit quis, in iure iurando?
num iratum timemus lovem ? At hoc quidem com-
mune est omnium philosophorum, non eorum modo,
qui deum nihil habere ipsum negotii dicunt, nihil
exhibere alteri, sed eorum etiam, qui deum semper
agere aliquid et moUri volunt, numquam nec irasci
deum nec nocere. Quid autem iratus luppiter plus
«The Epicureans.
bThe.Stoics.
378
BOOK III. xxvii-xxviii
lot than if he had remained at home an aged prisoner
of war, a man of consular rank forsworn.
101 But/' you will say, it was fooHsh of him not
only not to advocate the exchange of prisoners but
even to plead against such action."
How was it foolish ? Was it so, even if his policy
was for the good of the state ? Nay ; can what is
inexpedient for the state be expedient for any indi-
vidual citizen?
XXVIII. People overturn the fundamental prin- Expediency
ciples estabhshed by nature, when they divorce morafrtctUudr
expediency from moral rectitude. For we all seek
to obtain what is to us expedient ; we are irresistibly
drawn toward it, and we cannot possibly be other-
wise. For who is there that would turn his back
upon what is to him expedient? Or rather^ who is
there that does not exert himself to the utmost to
secure it? But because we cannot discover it any-
where except in good report, propriety, and moral
rectitudCj we look upon these three for that reason
as the first and the highest objects of endeavour,
while what we term expediency we account not so
f much an ornament to our dignity as a necessary
incident to living.
02 What significance, then," some one will say, Arguments
"do we attach to an oath? It is not that we fear StyK"'*'
the wrath of Jove, is it? Not at all; it is the uni- °^'^=
versally accepted view of all philosophers that God need to fear
is never angry, never hurtful. This is the doctrine '^°'^'^ wrath,
not only of those* who teach that God is Himself
free from troubhng cares and that He imposes no
trouble upon others, but also of those'' who believe
that God is ever working and ever directing His
world. Furthermore, suppose Jupiter had been wroth,
379
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
nocere potuisset, quam nocuit sibi ipse Regulus ?
Nulla igitur vis fuit religionis, quae tantam utilita-
tem perverteret.
An ne turpiter faceret ? Primum minima de malis.
Num^ igitur tantum mali turpitudo ista habebat,^
quantum ille cruciatus? Deinde illud etiam apud
Accium :
^2, ^ Fregistin^fidem?
227-228 Neque dedi neque do infideli cuiquam
quamquam ab impio rege dicitur, luculente tamen
dicitur.
103 Addunt etiam, quem ad modum nos dicamus
videri quaedam utilia, quae non sint, sic se dicere
videri quaedam honesta, quae non sint, "ut hoc
ipsum videtur honestum, conservandi iuris iurandi
causa ad cruciatum revertisse ; sed fit non honestum,
quia, quod per vim hostium esset actum, ratum esse
non debuit."
Addunt etiam, quicquid valde utile sit, id fieri
honestum, etiamsi antea non videretur.
Haec fere contra Regulum. Sed prima quaeque^
videamus.
104 XXIX. Non fuit luppiter metuendus ne iratus
noceret, qui neque irasci solet nec nocere."
^l^um Edd.; non MSS.
* habebat L c, Edd. ; habebit A B H a b.
^ /reffistin Edd. ; fregistine A B H a b ; fregisti L c.
*quaeque Forchhammer, Miiller, Heine: not in MSS., Bt..
Ed.
380
BOOK III. xxviii-xxix
what greater injury could He have inflicted upon
ilegulus than Regulus brought upon himself ? Re-
ligious scruple, therefore, had no such preponderance
as to outweigh so great expediency."
'^Or was he afraid that his act would be morally (2)"Oftwo
wrong? As to that, first of all, the proverb says felf""^""'' ^^'
* Of evils choose the least.' Did that moral wrong,
then, really involve as great an evil as did that awful
torture ? And secondly, there are the hnes of Accius :
Thyestes. Hast thou broke thy faith ? '
Atreus. None have I giv'n; none give I ever to
the faithless.'
Although this sentiment is put into the mouth of a
wicked king, still it is illuminating in its correct-
ness."
Their third argument is this: just as we maintain (3)oaths
that some things seem expedient but are not, so constrafnt not
they maintain, some things seem morally right but binding.
are not. For example/' they contend, in this
very case it seems morally right for Regulus to have
returned to torture for the sake of being true to his
oath. But it proves not to be morally right, because
what an enemy extorted by force ought not to have
been binding."
As their concluding argument, they add: what- (4)exceptionai
ever is highly expedient may prove to be morally ma^kes dg^ht.
right, even if it did not seem so in advance.
These are in substance the arguments raised
against the conduct of Regulus. Let us consider
them each in turn.
XXIX. He need not have been afraid that Rebuttai.
Jupiter in anger would inflict injury upon him; he
is not wont to be angry or hurtful."
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Haec quidem ratio non magis contra Reguli quam
contra omne ius iurandum valet. Sed in iure iurando
non qui metus, sed quae vis sit, debet intellegi; est
enim ius iurandum affirmatio religiosa; quod autem
affirmate quasi deo teste promiseris, id tenendum
est. lam enim non ad iram deorum, quae nulla est,
sed ad iustitiam et ad fidem pertinet. Nam prae-
clare Ennius:
(Thyestes?) 6 Fides alma apta pinnis 6t ius iurandiim lovis!
Fab. inc,,
Vahiens, Qui ius igitur iurandum violat, is Fidem violat, quam
in Capitolio vicinam lovis optimi maximi/' ut in
Unknown Catonis oratione est, maiores nostri esse voluerunt.
105 At enim ne iratus quidem luppiter plus Rcgulo
nocuisset, quam sibi nocuit ipse Regulus.
Certe, si nihil malum esset nisi dolere. Id autem
non modo [nonj summum malum, sed ne malum
quidem esse maxima auctoritate philosophi affirmant.
Quorum quidem testem non mediocrem, sed haud
scio an gravissimum Regulum nolite, quaeso, vitu-
perare. Quem enim locupletiorem quaerimus quam
principem populi Romani, qui retinendi officii causa
cruciatum subierit voluntarium?
Nam quod aiunt: minima de malis," id est ut
* non modo non B H a ; non modo nos c ; non modo L c p,
Edd.
* The Stoics.
88S
BOOK III. xxix
This argument, at all eventSj has no more weight (i) An oath is s
against Regulus's conduct than it has against the justke"an'd''''
keeping of any other oath. But in taking an oath Good Faith;
it is our duty to consider not what one may have to
fear in case of violation but wherein its obligation
Ues: an oath is an assurance backed by rehgious
sanctity ; and a solemn promise given^ as before God
as one's witness^ is to be sacredly kept. For the
question no longer concerns the wrath of the gods
(for there is no such thing) but the obhgations of
justice and good faith. For, as Ennius says so
admirably :
Gracious Good Faith, on wings upborne;
thou oath in Jupiter's great name ! "
Wlioever^ therefore, violates his oath violates Good
Faith ; and, as we find it stated in Cato's speech, our
forefathers chose that she should dwell upon the
Cagitol neighbour to Jupiter Supreme and Best."
But/' objection was further made, "even if
Jupiter had been angry, he could not have inflicted
greater injury upon Regulus than Regulus brought
upon himself."
Quite true, if there is no evil except pain. But whatisevii?
philosophers* of the highest authority assure us that
pain is not only not the supreme evil but no evil at
all. And pray do not disparage Regulus, as no un-
important witness — nay, I am rather inchned to
think he was the very best witness — to the truth of
their doctrine. For what more competent witness
do we ask for than one of the foremost citizens of
Rome, who voluntarily faced torture for the sake of
being true to his moral duty?
Again, they say "Of evils choose the least" —
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turpiter potius quam calamitose, an est ullum maius
malum turpitudiue? quae si in deformitate corporis
habet' aliquid ofFensionis, quanta illa depravatio et
106 foeditas turpificati animi debet videril Itaque ner-
vosius qui ista disserunt, solum audent malum dicere
id, quod turpe sit, qui autem remissius, ii tamen non
dubitant summum malum dicere.
Nam illud quidem :
N^que dedi neque do infideli cuiquam
At^u*' i<icirco recte a poeta, quia, cum tractaretur Atreus,
FUbbeckz personae serviendum fuit. Sed si hoc sibi sument,
nuUam esse fidem, quae infideli data sit, videant, ne
quaeratur latebra periurio.
107 Est autem ius etiam bellicum fidesque iuris iurandi
saepe cum hoste servanda.^ Quod enim ita iuratum
est, ut mens conciperet fieri oportere, id servandum
est; quod aliter, id si non fecerit, nullum est periu-
rium. Ut, si praedonibus pactum pro capite pretium
non attuleris, nulla fraus sit,^ ne si iuratus quidem
id non feceris; nam pirata non est ex perdueUium
numero definitus, sed communis hostis omnium ; cum
hoe nec fides debet nec ius iurandum esse commune.
» habet L c, Edd. ; haheat A B H a b.
^ Est . . . servanda brackeled by Unger, Bt.''', Ed.
8«VEdd. plerique; est MSS., Bt.».
«The Stoics.
bThe Peripatetics.
884
BOOK III. xxix
that is, shall one " choose moral wrong rather than (2) no evii can
misfortune/' or is there any evil greater than moral moral wrong^
wrong? For if physical deformity excites a certain
amount of aversion, how ofFensive ought the defor-
mity and hideousness of a demoralized soul to seem !
6 Therefore, those^ who discuss these problems with
more rigour make bold to say that moral wrong is
the only evii, while those'' who treat them with
more laxity do not hesitate to call it the supreme
evil.
Once more, they quote the sentiment:
None have I given, none give I ever to the
faithless."
It was proper for the poet to say that, because, when
he was working out his Atreus, he had to make the
words fit the character. But if they mean to adopt
it as a principlCj that a pledge given to the faithless
is no pledge, let them look to it that it be not a mere
loophole for perjury that they seek.
7 FurthermorCj we have laws regulating warfare, What is per-
and fideUty to an oath must often be observed in '""^^
deahngs with an enemy : for an oath sworn with the
clear understanding in one's own mind that it should
be performed must be kept ; but if there is no such
understanding, it does not count as perjury if one
does not perform the vow. For example, suppose
that one does not deliver the amount agreed upon
with pirates as the price of one's Hfe, that would be
accounted no deception — not even if one should fail
to deliver the ransom after having sworn to do so ;
for a pirate is not included in the number of lawful
enemies, but is the common foe of all the world;
and with him there ought not to be any pledged
cc 385
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1 08 Non enim falsum iurare periurare est, sed^ quod ex
ANiMi Tui SENTENTiA iuraris, sicut verbis concipitur
more nostro, id non facere periurium est. Scite
Hippoiytus enim^ Euripides :
luravi lingua, m^ntem iniuratam gero.
Regulus vero non debuit condiciones pactionesque
bellicas et hostiles perturbare periurio. Cum iusto
enim et legitimo hoste res gerebatur, adversus quem
et totum ius fetiale et multa sunt iura communia.
Quod ni ita esset, numquam claros viros senatus
vinctos^ hostibus dedidisset.
109 XXX. At vero T. Veturius et Sp. Postumius cum
iterum consules essent, quia, cum male pugnatum
apud Caudium essetj legionibus nostris sub iugum
missis pacem cum Samnitibus fecerant, dediti sunt
iis ; iniussu enim populi senatusque fecerant. Eodem-
que tempore Ti. Numicius, Q. Maelius, qui tum
tribuni pl. erant, quod eorum auctoritate pax erat
facta^ dediti sunt, ut pax Samnitium repudiaretur ;
atque huius deditionis ipse Postumius, qui dedeba-
tur, suasor et auctor fuit.
Quod idem multis annis post C. Mancinus, qui, ut
Numantinis, quibuscum sine senatus auctoritate foe-
dus fecerat, dederetur, rogationem suasit eam, quam
* Scite enim A L c, Edd. ; scit enim B H a b.
* vinctos A L c, Edd. ; victos B H a b.
"See Index, s.v.
'>i84years, i.e., in B.c. 137,
886
BOOK III. xxix-xxx
8 word nor any oath mutually binding. For swearing
to what is false is not necessarily perjury, but to
take an oath upon your conscience," as it is ex-
pressed in our legal formulas^ and then fail to per-
form it, that is perjury. For Euripides aptly says:
My tongue has sworn; the mind I have has
sworn no oath."
But Regulus had no right to confound by perjury Oathsmadeto
the terms and covenants of war made with an enemy. bhiding as^^
For the war was being carried on with a legitimate, treaties.
declared enemy ; and to regulate our dealings with
such an enemy, we have our whole fetial ^ code as
well as many other laws that are binding in common
between nations. Were this not the case, the senate
would never have delivered up illustrious men of
ours in chains to the enemy.
9 XXX. And yet that very thing happened. Titus Roman
Veturius and Spurius Postumius in their second con- ^^"'='°^**
sulship lost the battle at the Caudine Forks, and
our legions were sent under tlie yoke. And because
they made peace with the Samnites, those generals
were delivered up to them, for they had made
the peace without the approval of the people
and senate. And Tiberius Numicius and Quintus
MaeliuSj tribunes of the people, were delivered up
at the same time, because it was with their sanction
that the peace had been concluded. This was done
in order that the peace with the Samnites might be
annuUed. And Postumius, the very man whose de-
livery was in question, was the proposer and advocate
of the said delivery.
Many years later,'' Gaius Mancinus had a similar
experience: he advocated the bill, introduced in
apcordance with a decree of the senate by Lucius
cc2 387
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
L. FuriuSj Sex. Atilius ex senatus consulto ferebant;
qua accepta est hostibus deditus. Honestius hic
quam Q. Pompeius, quo, cum in eadem causa esset,
deprecante accepta lex non est. Hic ea, quae vide-
batur utilitas, plus valuit quam honestas, apud supe-
riores utilitatis species falsa ab honestatis auctoritate
superata est.
110 At non debuit ratum ( jse, quod erat actum per
§103 vim. — Quasi vero forti viro vis possit adhiberi.
Cur igitur ad senatum proficiscebatur, cum prae-
sertim de captivis dissuasurus esset ?
Quod maximum in eo est, id reprehenditis. Non
enim suo iudicio stetit, sed suscepit causam, ut esset
iudicium senatus ; cui nisi ipse auctor fiiisset, captivi
profecto Poenis redditi essent ; ita incolumis in patria
Regulus restitisset. Quod quia patriae non utile
putavit, idcirco sibi honestum et sentire illa et pati
credidit.
§103 Nam quod aiunt, quod valde utile sit, id fieri ho-
388
BOOK III. XXX
Furius and Sextus Atilius, that he should be delivered
up to the Numantines, with whom he had made a
treaty without authorization from the senate ; and
when the bill was passed, he was dehvered up to the
enemy. His action was more honourable than Quin-
tus Pompey's ; Pompey's situation was identical with
hiSj and yet at his own entreaty the bill was rejected.
In this latter case, apparent expediency prevailed
over moral rectitude ; in the former cases, the false
semblance of expediency was overbalanced by the
weight of moral rectitude.
"But/' they argued against Regulus, an oath (.'})theinterests
extorted by force ought not to have been binding." highe/than
As if force could be brought to bear upon a brave p^reonaiadvan-
man!
Why, then, did he make the journey to the
senate, especially when he intended to plead against
the surrender of the prisoners of war?"
Therein you are criticizing what is the noblest
feature of his conduct. For he was not content to
stand upon his own judgment but took up the case,
in order that the judgment might be that of the
senate ; and had it not been for the weight of his
pleading, the prisoners would cei'tainly have been
restored to the Carthaginians ; and in that case,
Regulus would have remained safe at home in his
country. But because he thought this not expedient
for his country, he believed that it was therefore
morally right for him to declare his conviction and
to sufFer for it.
When they argued also that what is highly expe- (4) nothins cx-
dient may prove to be morally right, they ought ^''oraii* n" hf
rather to say not that it may prove to be" but that
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CICERO DE OFFICIIS
nestum, immo vero esse, non fieri. Est enim nihil
utile, quod idem non honestumj nec, quia utile,
honestum, sed, quia honestum, utile.
Quare ex multis mirabilibus exemplis haud facile
quis dixerit hoc exemplo aut laudabilius aut prae-
stantius.
111 XXXI. Sed ex tota hac laude Reguli unum illud
est admiratione dignum, quod captivos retinendos
censuit. Nam quod rediit, nobis nunc mirabile
videtur, illis quidem temporibus aliter facere non
potuit ; itaque ista laus non est hominis, sed tempo-
inim. Nullum enim vinculum ad astringendam fidem
iure iurando maiores artius esse voluerunt. Id indi-
cant leges in duodecim tabulis, indicant sacratae,
indicant foedera, quibus etiam cum hoste devincitur
fides, indicant notiones animadversionesque censo-
rum, qui nulla de re diligentius quam de iure iurando
iudicabant.
112 L. Manlio A. f., cum dictator fuisset, M. Pompo-
nius tr, pl. diem dixit, quod is paucos sibi dies ad
dictaturam gerendam addidisset ; criminabatur etiam,
quod Titum filium, qui postea est Torquatus appella-
tus, ab hominibus relegasset et ruri habitare iussisset.
» " Sacred " laws, according- to Festus (p. 318), were laws
that placed their transgressor, together with his household
and his property, under the ban of some divinity; other
authorities hmit the fcrm to the laws enacted upon the
Sacred Mount (b.c. 394).
S9O
BOOK III. xxx-xxxi
it actually is morally right. For nothing can be expe-
dient which is not at the same time morally right;
neither can a thing be morally right just because it
is expedient, but it is expedient because it is morally
right.
From the many splendid examples in history,
therefore, we could not easily point to one either
more praiseworthy or more. heroic than the conduct
of Regulus.
XXXI. But of all that is thus praiseworthy in the ''^^fj^^°^,*ggg^^ j^
conduct of Regulus, this one feature above all others the story of
calls for our admiration : it was he who ofFered the Reguius.
motion that the prisoners of war be retained. For
the fact of his returning may seem admirable to us
nowadays, but in those times he could not have done
otherwise. That merit, therefore, belongs to the
age, not to the man. For our ancestors were of
the opinion that no bond was more effective in
guaranteeing good faith than an oath. That is
clearly proved by the laws of the Twelve Tables, by
the "sacred" laws,* by the treaties in which good
faith is pledged even to the enemy, by the investi-
gations made by the censors and the penalties
imposed by them ; for there were no cases in which
they used to render more rigorous decisions than
in cases of violation of an oath.
Marcus Pomponius, a tribune of the people, The sanctity oi
brought an indictment against Lucius Manlius, oid°days." ^^^
Aulus's son, for having extended the term of his
dictatorship a few days beyond its expiration. He
further charged him with having banished his own
son Titus (afterward surnamed Torquatus) from all
companionship with his fellow-men, and with requir-
ing him to live in the country. When the son, who
391
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
Quod cum audivisset adulescens filius, negotium
exhiberi patri, accurrisse Romam et cum primo
luci ^ Pomponi domum venisse dicitur. Cui cum esset
nuntiatum, qui illum iratum allaturum ad se aliquid
contra patrem arbitraretur, surrexit e lectulo remo-
tisque arbitris ad se adulescentem iussit venire. At
ille, ut ingressus est, confestim gladium destrinxit
iuravitque se illum statim interfecturum, nisi ius
iurandum sibi dedisset se patrem missum esse factu-
rum. luravit hoc terrore coactus Pomponius ; rem
ad populum detuHt, docuit, cur sibi causa desistere
necesse esset, Manlium missum fecit. Tantum
temporibus illis ius iurandum valebat.
Atque hic T. Manlius is est, qui ad Anienem GaUi,
quem ab eo provocatus occiderat, torque detracto
cognomen invenit, cuius tertio consulatu Latini ad
Veserim fusi et fugati, magnus vir in primis et, qui
perindulgens in patrem, idem acerbe severus in
filium.
1 1 3 XXXII. Sed, ut laudandus Regulus in conservando
iure iurando, sic decem illi, quos post Cannensem
pugnam iuratos ad senatum misit Hannibal se in
castra redituros ea, quorum erant potiti Poeni, nisi
de redimendis captivis impetravissent, si non redie-
^ />rimo luci Beier, Ilcine, Kd,;primo lucis c, prima luce
A B H a b.
392
BOOK III. xxxi-xxxii
was then a young man, heard that his father was
in trouble on his aeeountj he hastened to Rome —
so the story goes — and at daybreak presented him-
self at the house of Pomponius. The visitor was
innounced to Pomponius. Inasmuch as he thought
that the son in his anger meant to bring him some
new evidence to use against the father, he arose
from his bed, asked all who were present to leave
the room, and sent word to the young man to come
in. Upon entering, he at once drew a sword and
swore that he would kill the tribune on the spot, if
he did not swear an oath to withdraw the suit against
his father. Constrained by the terror of the situa-
tion, Pomponius gave his oath. He reported the
matter to the people, explaining why he was obhged
to drop the prosecution, and withdrew his suit against
Manhus. Such was the regard for the sanctity of
an oath in those days.
And that lad was the Titus Manhus who in the
battle on the Anio killed the Gaul by whom he had
been challenged to single combat, pulled off his
torque and thus won his surname. And in his third
consulship he routed the Latins and put thera to
flight in the battle on the Veseris. He was one of
the greatest of the great, and one who, while more
than generous toward his father, could yet be
bitterly severe toward his son.
XXXII. Now, as Regulus deserves praise for Contrastbetweei
being true to his oath, so those ten whom Hannibal terfenvoy" from
sent to the senate on parole after the battle of^^"°'^^'-
Cannae deserve censure, if it is true that they did not
return; for they were sworn to return to the camp
which liad fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians,
if they did not succeed in negotiating an exchange
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CICERO DE OFFICIIS
runt, vituperandi. De quibus non omnes uno modo ;
nam PolybiuSj bonus auctor in primis, ex decem
nobilissimiSj qui tum erant missi, novem revertisse
dicit re a senatu non impetrata; unum ex decem,
qui paulo post, quam erat^ egressus e castris^ redisset,
quasi aliquid esset oblitus, Romae remansisse ; reditu
enim in castra liberatum se esse iure iurando inter-
pretabatur, non recte; fraus enim astringit,^ non
dissolvit periurium. Fuit igitur stulta calliditas
perverse imitata prudentiam. Itaque decrevit sena-
tus, ut ille veterator et callidus vinctus ad Hanniba-
lem duceretur.
114^ Sed illud maximum : octo hominum milia tene-
bat Hannibal, non quos in acie cepisset, aut qui
periculo mortis diffugissent, sed qui relicti in castris
fuissent a Paulo et a Varrone consulibus. Eos
senatus non censuit redimendos, cum id parva
pecunia fieri posset, ut esset insitum militibus nostris
aut vincere aut emori. Qua quidem re audita fra-
ctum animum Hannibalis scribit idem, quod senatus
populusque Romanus rebus afflictis tam excelso
animo fuisset. Sic honestatis comparatione ea, quae
videntur utilia, vincuntur.
115 C"* Acilius autemj qui Graece scripsit historiam,
plures ait fuisse, qui in castra revertissent eadem
^ Novem . . . quameratc, Bt.*, Ed.; om. A B H ab; unum
qui Ung-er, Bt.'^
"^astringit c p, Ed., Heine; disiringit Pi. B H a b, Unger,
Bt.
*§ 114 bracketcd by Heus., Bt., as un-Ciceronian.
« C. Heine, Ed.; not in MSS.
394
BOOK III. xxxii
of prisoners. Historians are not in agreement in
regard to the facts. Polybius, one of the very best
authorities, states that of the ten eminent nobles
who were sent at that time^ nine returned when
their mission failed at the hands of the senate. But
one of the ten, who, a little while after leaving the
camp, had gone back on the pretext that he had
forgotten something or other, remained behind at
Rome ; he explained that by his return to the camp
he was released from the obligation of his oath.
He was wrong; for deceit does not remove the guilt
of perjury — it merely aggravates it. His cunning
that impudently tried to masquerade as prudence The ancient
was, therefore, only folly. And so the senate ^1°^!"
ordered that the cunning sco"ndrel should be taken
back to Hannibal in chains.
But the most significant part of the story is this :
the eight thousand prisoners in Hannibars hands
were not men that he had taken in the battle or that
had escaped in the peril of their Hves, but men that
the consuls Paulus and Varro had left behind in
camp. Though these might have been ransomed
by a small sum of money, the senate voted not to
redeem them^ in order that our soldiers might have
the lesson planted in their hearts that they must
either conquer or die. When Hannibal heard this
newSj according to that same writer, he lost heart
completely, because the senate and the people of
Rome displayed courage so lofty in a time of disaster.
Thus apparent expediency is outweighed when
placed in the balance against moral rectitude.
Gaius Acilius, on the other hand, the author of a
history of Rome in Greek^ says that there were
several who played the same trick of returning to
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CICERO DE OFFICIIS
fraude, ut iure iurando liberarentur, eosque a cen-
soribus omnibus ignominiis notatos.
Sit iam huius loci finis. Perspicuum est enim ea,
quae timido animo, humili, demisso fractoque fiant,
quale fuisset Reguli factum, si aut de captivis, quod
ipsi opus esse videretur, non quod rei publicae, cen-
suisset aut domi remanere voluisset, non esse utilia,
quia sint flagitiosa, foeda, turpia.
116 XXXIII. Restat quarta pars, quae decore, modera-
tione, modestia, continentia, temperantia continetur.
Potest igitur quicquam utile esse, quod sit huie
talium virtutum choro contrarium? Atqui ab Ari-
stippo Cyrenaici atque Annicerii philosophi nominati
omne bonum in voluptate posuerunt virtutemque
ciensuerunt ob eam rem esse laudandam, quod effi-
ciens esset voluptatis. Quibus obsoletis floret
Epicurus, eiusdem fere adiutor auctorque sententiae.
Cum his viris^ equisque/' ut dicitur, si honestatem
tueri ac retinere sententia est, decertandum est.
117 Nam si non modo utiUtas, sed vita omnis beata
corporis firma constitutione eiusque constitutionis
spe explorata, ut a Metrodoro scriptum est, contine-
tur, certe haec utilitas, et quidem summa (sic enim
' viris c p, Edd. ; veris A B H b.
396
BOOK III. xxxii-xxxiii
the camp to release themselves thus from the obli-
gation of their oath, and that they were branded by
the censors with every mark of disgrace.
Let this be the conclusion of this topic. For it Expediency an
must be perfectly apparent that acts tliat are done ticai."^^ '^*'°*
with a cowardly, craven, abject, broken spirit, as the
act of Regulus would have been if he had supported
in regard to the prisoners a measure that seemed to
be advantageous for him personally, but disadvan-
tageous for the state, or if he had consented to
remain at home — that such acts are not expedient
because they are shameful, dishonourable, and im-
moral.
XXXIII. We have still left our fourth division, Apparent
comprising propriety, moderation, temperance, self- ^^P^^J^^^^^y
restraint, Self-COntrol. Temperance.
Can anything be expedient, then, which is con-
trary to such a chorus of virtues.^ And yet the
Cyrenaics, adherents of the school of Aristippus,
and the philosophers who bear the name of Anni-
ceris find all good to consist in pleasure and consider
virtue praiseworthy only because it is productive of
pleasure. Now that these schools are out of date,
Epicurus has come into vogue — an advocate and
supporter of practically the same doctrine. Against
such a philosophy we must fight it out "with horse
and foot," as the saying is, if our purpose is to
defend and maintain our standard of moral rectitude.
For if, as we find it in the writings of Metrodorus, xhe faiiacy of
not only expediency but happiness in life depends Epicureanism
wholly upon a sound physical constitution and the
reasonable expectation that it will always remain
sound, then that expediency — and what is more,
the highest expediency, as they estimate it — -will
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CICERO DE OFFICIIS
censent), cum honestate pugnabit. Nam ubi primum
prudentiae locus dabitur? an ut conquirat undique
suavitates ? Quam miser virtutis famulatus servientis
voluptati! Quod autem munus prudentiae? an
legere intellegenter voluptates? Fac nihil isto esse
iucundius, quid cogitari potest turpius ?
lam, qui dolorem summum malum dicat, apud
eum quem habet locum fortitudoj quae est dolorum
laborumque contemptio? Quamvis enim multis locis
dicat Epicurus, sicuti^ dicit, satis fortiter de dolore,
tamen non id spectandum est, quid dicat, sed quid
consentaneum sit ei dicere, qui bona voluptate ter-
minaverit, mala dolore.
Et,^ si illum audiam, de continentia et temperantia
dicit ille quidem multa multis locis, sed aqua haeret,
ut aiunt; nam qui potest temperantiam laudare is,
qui ponat summum bonum in voluptate ? est enim
temperantia libidinum inimica, Ubidines autem
consectatrices voluptatis.
118 Atque in his tamen tribus generibus, quoquo modo
possunt, non incalHde tergiversantur ; prudentiam
introducunt scientiam suppeditantem voluptates,
depellentem dolores; fortitudinem quoque aUquo
modo expediunt, cum tradunt rationem neglegendae
' sicuti L c, Edd. ; sicut «rf A B H a b.
'^ dolore. Et Miiller, Heine; dolore: «^ MSS., Bt. ; dolore.
Ut Ed.
.^98
BOOK III. xxxiii
assuredly clash with moral rectitude. For, first of all,
what position will wisdom occupy in that system?
The position of collector of pleasures from every
possible source? What a sorry state of servitude
for a virtue — to be pandering to sensual pleasure !
And what will be the function of wisdom ? To make
skilful choice between sensual pleasures? Granted
that there may be nothing more pleasant, what can
be conceived more degrading for wisdom than such
a role?
Then again, if anyone hold that pain is the
supreme evil^ what place in his philosophy has forti-
tudcj which is but indifference to toil and pain?
For however many passages there are in which
Epicurus speaks right manfully of pain, we must
nevertheless consider not what he says, but what it
is consistent for a man to say who has defined the
good in terms of pleasure and evil in terms of pain.
And further, if I should hsten to him, I should
find that in many passages he has a great deal to say
about temperance and self-control ; but " the water
will not run/' as they say. For how can he com-
mend self-control and yet posit pleasure as the
supreme good? For self-control is the foe of the
passions, and the passions are the handmaids of
pleasure.
And yet when it comes to these three cardinal Epicureanism
virtues, those philosophers shift and turn as best dfnai Vi^tues.
they can, and not without cleverness. They admit
wisdom into their system as the knowledge that
provides pleasures and banishes pain; they clear the
way for fortitude also in some way to fit in with
their doctrines, when they teach that it is a rational
means for looking with indifFerence upon death and
S99
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
mortis, perpetiendi doloris; etiam temperantiam
inducunt non faeillime illi quidem, sed tamen quo-
quo modo possunt; dicunt enim voluptatis magnitu-
dinem doloris detractione finiri. lustitia vacillat vel
iacet potius omnesque eae virtutes^ quae in commu-
nitate cernuntur et in societate generis humani.
Neque enim bonitas nec liberalitas nec comitas esse
potest, non plus quam amicitia, si haec non per se
expetantur/ sed ad voluptatem utilitatemve refe-
rantur.
Conferamus igitur in pauca.
119 Nam ut utilitatem nullam esse docuimus, quae
honestati esset contraria, sic omnem voluptatem di-
cimus honestati esse contrariam. Quo magis repre-
hendendos Calliphontem et Dinomachum iudico,
qui se dirempturos controversiam putaverunt, si cum
honestate voluptatem tamquam cum homine pecu-
dem copulavissent. Non recipit istam coniunctionem
honestas, aspernatur, repellit. Nec vero finis bo-
norum [et malorum],^ qui simplex esse debet, ex
De dissimillimis rebus misceri et temperari potest. Sed
II ' de hoc (magna enim res est) alio loco pluribus ; nunc
ad propositum.
120 Quem ad modum igitur, si quando ea, quae videtur '
utilitas, honestati repugnat, diiudicanda res sit, satis
est supra disputatum. Sin autem speciem utiHtatis
etiam voluptas habere dicetur, nulla potest esse ei
cum honestate coniunctio. Nam, ut tribuamus ali-
^ expetantur A, Edd. ; expectantut B a; exspectantur c.
' Omitted by Muretus; brackcted by Heine, Ed., et al.
^ videtur z^ Edd.; videretur B H a b; viderentur h,
400
BOOK III. xxxiii
for enduring pain. They bring even temperance in
— not very easily, to be sure,i)ut still as best they can ;
for they hold that the height of pleasure is found
in the absence of pain. Justice totters or rather, I
should say, Hes already prostrate; so also with all
those virtues which are discernible in social life and
the fellowship of human society. For neither good-
ness nor generosity nor courtesy can exist, any more
than friendship can, if they are not sought of and
for themselves, but are cultivated only for the sake
of sensual pleasure or personal advantage.
Let us now recapitulate briefly.
As I have shown that such expediency as is opposed Sensual pleasun
to moral rectitude is no expediency, so I maintain r^cti^^de^"
that any and all sensual pleasure is opposed to moral incompatible.
rectitude. And therefore Calhphon and Dinomachus,
in my judgment, deserve the greater condemnation ;
they imagined that they should settle the contro-
versy by coupling pleasure with moral rectitude ; as
well yoke a man with a beast ! But moral rectitude
does not accept such a union ; she abhors it, spurns
it. Why, the supreme good, which ought to be
simple, cannot be a compound and mixture of abso-
lutely contradictory quaUties. But this theory I have
discussed more fully in another connection ; for the
subject is a large one. Now for the matter before
us.
We have, then, fully discussed the problem how a
question is to be decided, if ever that which seems
to be expediency clashes with moral rectitude. But
if, on the other hand, the assertion is made that
pleasure admits of a show of expediency also, there
can still be no possible union between it and moral
rectitude. For, to make the most generous admission
no 40)
CICERO DE OFFICIIS
quid voluptati, condimenti fortasse non nihil, utili-
tatis eerte nihil habebit.
121 Habes a patre munus, Marce fili, mea quidem
sententia magnum, sed perinde erit, ut acceperis.
Quamquam hi tibi tres Hbri inter Cratippi commen-
tarios tamquam hospites erunt recipiendi ; sed, ut, si
ipse venissem Athenas (quod quidem esset factum,
nisi me e medio cursu clara voce patria revocasset),
aliquando me quoque audires, sic, quoniam his
voluminibus ad te pi-ofecta vox est mea, tribues iis^
temporis quantum poteris, poteris autem, quantum
voles. Cum vero intellexero te hoc scientiae genere
gaudere, tum et praesens tecum propediem, ut spero,
et, dum aberis, absens loquar.
Vale igitur, mi Cicero, tibique persuade esse te
quidem mihi carissimum, sed multo fore cariorem, si
talibus monitis^ praeceptisque laetabere.
^ its Edd. ; his A B H a b ; ktjs c.
■ monitis Lambinus, Edd. ; tnonumentis A B H a b ; tnoni-
mentis c.
a But Cicero never saw his son Marcus agaiii.
402
BOOK III. xxxiii
we can in favour of pleasure, we will grant tliat it
may contribute something that possibly gives some
spice to life, but certainly nothing that is really ex-
pedient.
Herewith, my son Marcus, you liave a present Conciusionf
from your father — a generous one, in my humble
opinion ; but its value will depend upon the spirit in
which you receive it. And yet you must welcome
these three books as fellow-guests, so to speak, along
with your notes on Cratippus's lectures. But as you
would sometimes give ear to me also, if I had come
to Athens (and I should be there now, if my country
had not called me back with accents unmistakable,
when I was half-way there), so you will please devote
as much time as you can to these volumes, for in
them my voice will travel to you; and you can
devote to them as much time as you will. And
when I see that you take delight in this branch of
philosophy, I shall then talk further with you — at
an early date,* I hope, face to face — but as long as
you are abroad, I shall converse with you thus at a
distance.
Farewell, my dear Cicero, and be assured that,
while you are the object of my deepest affection, you
will be dearer to me still, if you find pleasure in
such counsel and instruction.
dd2 40S
INDEX
References are to Book and Section; all dates, given in parentheses
(. . .), are b.c.
Academicians, 1. adherents of the
New Academy [q.v.) ; theirright to
teach ethics, i, 6; attitude toward
knowledge, ii, 7; Cicero's philo-
sophy, II, 1-8. 2. adherents of
the Old Academy, iii, 20.
Academy, 1. the Older, a school
of philosophy founded by Plato
and so called from its home ; their
doctrine of ideas, iii, 76, 81 ; the
pre-existence and immortality of
the soul; monotheism; the good-
ness of God; striving after His
perfection. 2. the New, a modi-
fication of the Old, sceptical,
anti-dogmatic, eclectic, lii, 20.
Accius, Lucius, a tragic poet (born
170). His tragedies were mostly
imitations from the Greek. Cicero
knew him personallv ; quotes from
hira, iii, 84, 102, 106.
Acilius; Gaius Acilius Glm^tio (tri-
bune, 197); interpreter, when
Carneades, Diogenes, and Crito-
laus came to Rome; author of
History of Rome, iii, 115.
Admiration, how won with dignity,
n, 31fg.
.\eacidae, descendants of Aeacus
(q.v.), the father of Peleus and
Telamon and grandfather of
Achilles and Ajax, i, 38.
Aeacus, son of Zeus (Jupiter) and
king of Aegina iq.v.); renowned
for his justice and piety, i, 97;
after his death he became with
Minos and Rhadamanthus judge
in Hades.
Aedileship, cost of , ii, 57-60.
Aegina, an island in the Saronic
Gulf, a dangerous rival to Athens,
directly in front of Piraeus and
only twelve miles away, iii, 46;
unjustly appropriated by Athens
(429), 111,46.
Aeginetans, the people of Aegina
ig.v.).
Aelius ; see Tubero.
Aemilius ; sec Paulus and Scaurus.
Aequians, a warlike mountain tribe
on the upper Anio, warring
against Rome (till 304), i, 35.
Aesopus, Claudius, an intimate
friend of Cicero, Rome's greatest
tragic actor, i, 114.
Africa, the province in whicb
Carthage was, i, 112 (Thapsus);
iii,99(Carthage).
.\fricanus ; see Scipio.
Agamemnon, leader of the war
agaiust Troy; when detained at
Aulis he sacrificed his daughter
Iphigenia to save the expedition,
III, 95. For this he was slain on
his return from Troy by his wife
Clytaemnestra.
A^esilaus, king of Sparta (398-360);
waged war in Asia (396-394),
victor at Coronea, saviour of
Sparta after Mantinea (362); ii.
16.
Agis IV, king of Sparta (244-240);
attempted to re-establish the
institutions of Lycurgus and re-
form property abuses; put to
death through organized wealtji,
II, 80.
Agrarian Laws, a menace to the
stability of the government, ii,
78-83.
Agriculture,impossible without man,
II, 12; man's noblest calling, i,
151.
Agrigentum, a city on the south
coast of Sicily, once " the most
beautiful city of mortals," ruled
by Phalaris (560), ii, 26.
Ajax, son of Telamon; could brook
no wrong, went mad, and com-
mitted suicide when the arms of
Achilles were awarded to Odys-
seus, I, 113; rebuked Odysseus,
III, 98. Subject of a tragedy by
Ennius, i, 114.
Albucius, Titus, an Epicurean;
praetor in Sardinia (105) ; pro-
secuted for extortion, ii, 50.
Alexander, the Great (356-323), son
405
INDEX
of Philip of Macedon, ii, 16, 48;
greater than his father in achieve-
ment, inferior in courtliness, i,
80; governor of Macedonia (340),
II, 53; conquered Greece (338-
335), subdued Asia (334-331),
Egypt (331), invaded India (329-
327), founded Alexandria and
other citics, and died of a drunken
debauch (i, 90).
Alexander, tyrant of Pherae (369);
brother, son-in-law, and successor
of Jason {q.v.), defeated and slew
Pelopidas of Thcbes at Cynoceph-
alae (364); murdered by his
wife and her three brothers, ii,
25, 26.
Alexandria, the metropolis of Egypt
at the mouth of the Nile ; founded
by Alexander (332); centre of
wealth (ii, 82); grain market, ni,
50.
Alps, the mountains between Italy
and further Gaul, ii, 28.
Ambition, a cause of injustice, i,
25-26, 46, 65; of moral wrong,
III, 82; of treason, iii, 82-83; the
foe of freedom, i, 68 ; li, 28.
Amusements, wholesome, i, 103-104,
Anger, never excusable, i, 89.
Anio, the Sabine river, tributary to
the Tiber; the battle on (340),
which gave Rome supremacy
over all Latium, iii, 112.
Anniceris, of Cyrene (4th century),
a successor of Aristippus; his
■School a cross between the Epicu-
rean and the Cyrenaic: he denied
that pleasure was merely absence
of pain; he held that every act
had its own distinct purpose and
that the virtues are good in them-
selves; his teachings were not
permanent, iii, 110.
Antigonus, one of Alexander's
generals, governor of Asia (323-
301), king of Asia (306-301);
father of Demetrius Poliorcetes
and Philip, ii, 48.
Antiope, mother of Amphion and
Zethus, by whom she was saved
from the persecutions of her
former husband Lycus and his
wife Dirce; her vengeance on
Dirce drove her mad ; subject of
a tragedy of Pacuvius, i, 114.
406
Antipater, vice-regent of Macedon
(334); father of Cassander, ii, 48.
Antipater, of Tarsus (2nd century),
pupil and successor of Diogenes of
Babylonia ; teacher of Panaetius ;
his ethical teachings, in, 51-55,
91.
Antipater, of Tyre (Ist century),
friend of Cato the younger; a
Stoic, II, 86.
Antonius, Marcus, the famous
orator (143-87), ii, 49; advocate,
III, 67 ; f ather of Cicero's coUeague
and grandfather o£ the triumvir.
Apelles, of Cos (4th century), Ihe
greatest painter of his age; court
painter to Alexander the Great;
his masterpiece was a Venus
rising f rom the sea ; another Venus
left unfinished, iii, 10.
ApoIIo, god of the light of day ; giver
of oracles at Pytho, ii, 77.
Appetite, subject to Reason, i, 101-
103,132,141,
Appius Claudius Pulchcr, fathcr of
Gaius, 11,57.
Aquilius; Gaius Aquilius Gallus,
famous jurist; Cicero's colleague
in the praetorship; author of
formulae on criminal fraud, iii,
60-61.
Aquilius, Manius, consul (101) with
Marius; victorious in the Servile
War in Sicily ; prosecuted (98) but
acquitted, ii, 50.
Aratus, of Sicyon, soldier and states-
man (271-213), removed the ty-
rant Nicocles (251) and averted
financial ruin, ii, 81, 82; leader
of the Achaean League; poisoned
by order of Philip of Macedon.
Areopagites, members of the Council
of Areopagus.
Areopagus, *' Mars Hill," a spur of
the Acropolis, seat of the highest
court of Athens; the court itself,
with powers of senate and su-
preme court, reorganized and
enlargcd in function by Solon, i,
75.
Arginusae, a group of islands off the
coast of Asia Minor, near Lesbos,
scene of the victory of the
Athenian fleet (406), i, 84. .
Argos, the chief city of Argolis, ii,
81.
INDEX
Axistides, " the Just," iii, [16], 49,
87; fought at Marathon (490),
Salamis (480), and commanded
the Athenians at Plataea (479) ;
exiled (483) because his policies
clashed with those of Themis-
tocles.
Aristippus, of Cyrene (flourished
370), founder of the Cyrenaic
school, III, 116; disciple of
Socrates, but taught that the
chief end of man was to get
enjoyment from everything (he-
donism), to subject all things and
circumstances to himself for
pleasure; but pleasure must be
the slave not the master; good
and bad identical with pleas-
ure and pain ; i, 148.
Aristo, of Chios (3rd century), a
Stoic philosopher, pupil of Zeno;
he taught indifference to exter-
nals, nothing good but virtue,
nothing evil but vice ; his theories
rejected, i, 6.
Aristotle (385-322), disciple of Plato
and teacher of Alexander the
. Great; founderof the Peripatetic
school; greatest of ptiilosophers,
master of all knowledge — pby-
sics, metaphysics, natural philc-
: sophy, ethics, politics, poetics;
sociology, logic, rhetoric, etc. ;
II, 56; III, 35; might have been a
great orator, i, 4.
Arpinates, the people of Arpinum,
owners of public lands, l, 21.
Arpinum, a town in Latium, birth-
place of Cicero and Gaius Marius,
1,21.
Athenians, the people of Athens, i,
75, 84 ; their cruel sub jugation of
Aegina, ni, 46; left theirhomes to
fight at Salamis, iii, 48; political
. strife, I, 86.; high moral principles
of, III, 49, 55.
Athens, ii,64,83; iii,55,87; thein-
tellectual and artistic centre of the
world; led Greece in the Persian
• wars (490-479); humbled by
Sparta (404); the university dty
of tlie Roman world, i, 1 ; iii, 6,
121.
Atilius ; see Regulus.
Atilius; Sextus Atilius Serranus,
consul (136), in, 109.
Atreus, son of Pelops and fathei' o
Agamemnon and Menelaus, mut-
derer of his half-brother Chrysip-
pus and of his brother Thyestes's
children ; murdered by his nephew
Aegisthus; a fruitful theme for
tragedy, 1,97; 111,106.
Attic, belonging to Attica, theprov-
ince in which Athens is situated ;
Attic comedy, the comedy of
Aristophanes, Eupolis, Menan-
der, etc, i, 104.
Avarice, the great temptation, ii,
38, 77 ; the root of evil, iii, 73-75 ;
due to delusion as to expediency,
ni, 36 ; avoided by the statesman,
II, 76-77 ; contrary to all law, iii,
21-23; see also Covetousness.
Babylonia, the district around
Babylon at the head of the Per-
sian Gulf, iii, 51.
Bardulis, king of Illyria, conquered
a large part of Macedonia from
Perdiccas, the brother and pre-
decessor of Philip; defeated and
■ slain by Philip (358); called a
" brigand," because his carfeer
did not tend to promote civiliza»
tion, II, 40.
Basilus, Lucius Minucius, otherwise
unknown; perhaps Sulla's lieu-
tenant, m, 73-74.
Beauty, physical, i, 98 126 ; types
of, i, 130.
Beneficence ; see Generosity.
Bribery, in Rome, ii, 21-22, 75.
Brutus,. Lucius Junius, led the
Romans to expel the Tarauins;
helped by CoUatinus, who snared
with him the first consulship
(509), III, 40.
Brutus, Marcus Junius, an eminent
jurist, one of the three founders
of the civil law; father of " the
Accuser," ii, 50.
Brutus; Marcus Junius Brutus Ac-
cusator, orator and vigorbus
prosecutor, son of the preceding,
11,50. . : .
Caelian Hill, the south-cast hiU 61
Rome, III, 66.
Caesar, Gaius Julius, son of Lucius
Caesar Strabo ; Vopiscus, candi-
date fox. the consulship (88),
407
INDEX
slain by Marius (87); poet and
orator, i, 108, 133.
Caesar, Gaius Julius (100-44), con-
sul (59), in Gaul (58-50), con-
quered Pompey at Pharsahis
(48), dictator (48-44), assassinated
(44); orator, statesman, scholar,
soldier; despot, ii, 2; tyrant, i,
112; n, 23-28, 83; confiscator, i,
43; 11, 84; enslaver o£ Rome, iii,
85; treatment of Marseilles, n,
28; a victim of depraved ambi-
tion, I, 26; iii, 83; a conspirator
with Catiline, his love of wrong,
II, 84; deserved his death, in. 19
32, 82.
Caesar, Lucius Julius, father of the
Dictator, i, 108.
CalUcratidas, succeeded Lysander
as admiral of the Spartan fleet, i,
109; defeated Conon, took Les-
bos, lost the battle and his life
at Arginusae (406), i, 84.
CaUiphon, a Greek philosopher,
probably a disciple of Epicurus,
taught that the supreme good
was a union between moral recti-
tude and pleasure, ni, 119.
Calpurnius ; Lucius Calpurnius Piso
Frugi ; see Piso.
Calpurnius ; Publius Calpurnius La-
narius ; see Lanarius.
Calypso, the nymph of Ogygia, who
kept Odysseus (Ulysses) with her
seven years, i, 113.
Campus (Martius), the open plain
next to the Tiber outside the
north wall of Rome; playground
and drillground, i, 104.
Canius, Gaius, a Roman knight, iii,
68-60.
Cannae, a town on the Aufidus in
Apulia, scene of HannibaVs over-
whelming defeat of the Romans
(216), 1,40; III, 47, 113.
Capitolium, the Capitoline Hill,
between the forum and the Tiber,
the citadel of Rome, with the
temple of Jupiter and Good
Faith, in, 104; place of augury,
111,66.
Cartbage, once a mighty city, on the
north central coast of Africa, iii,
M, 100; the most formidable
commercial and miiitai:y rival of
Rome ; conquerod by Rome ia the
408
First Punic War (264-241), i, 39;
Second Punic War (219-202), i,
40 ; in, 47 ; destroyed in the Third
(149-146), 1,35; 11,76.
Carthaginians, the people of Car-
thage, 1, 39, 108; in, 99, 110,
113; treacherous, ni, 102; cruel,
in, 100, 102; treaty-breaking, i,
38.
Cassander, son of Antipater, disin-
herited by his father, gained the
throne of Macedonia (306) by
wars and murders (319-301), li, 48.
Cato, Marcus Porciiis, the Censor
(or Major, the Elder, i, 37) (234-
149), author, i, 104 ; lil, 1 ; orator,
in, 104; soldier, served in Second
Punic War (217-202); statesman,
responsible for the destruction o£
Carthage (146), i, 79; " the
Wise," ni, 16; consul (195); cen-
sor (184); stalwart champion of
the simple life and stern morals,
II, 89; bitterly opposed luxury
and Greek culture ; yielded in old
age.
Cato, Marcus Porcius, son of the
preceding; jurist; served under
Paulus in Macedon (168), i, 87
[under Marcus Popilius Laenas in
Liguria(172), i, 36].
Cato, Marcus Porcius, grandson oi
the Censor and father of Cato
Uticensis, ill, 66.
Cato; Marcus Porcius Cato Uticensls
(95-46), son of the preceding
and great-grandson of the Cen-
sor; a Stoic philosopher; orator;
soldier, i, 112; defeated at Thap-
sus (46); judge, ni, 66; stern and
unyielding as his great-grand-
father, i, 112; in, 88; his suicide,
I, 112; close friend of Cicero (ii,
2); 111,88.
Catulus, Quintus Lutatius, half-
brother of Julius Caesar Strabo,
I, 133; orator; scholar, i, 133;
author; soldier; consul with
Marius (102) in the war against
the Cimbri (101); gentleraan, i,
109; committed suicide to escape
the proscriptions of Marius (87).
Catulus, Quintus Lutatius, son of
the preceding, defeated Lepidut
at the Milvian bridge; (tatesman,
I, 76 ; scholar, i,183.
INDEX
Caudlum, a little town in the moun-
tains of Samnium ; near it are the
Caudine Forks, the scene of the
disastrous battle (321); iii, 109;
(11,79).
Celtiberians, a powerful people of
central Spain, opposed Rome in
Second Punic War, were reduced
in the Numantian War (134), sub-
mitted on the death of Sertorius
(72), I, 38.
Centumalus, Tiberius Claudius; un-
known, iii, 66.
Chicanery, i, 33.
Chremes, a character in Terence's
Heauton Timorumenus, i, 30.
Chrysippus, of Soli (250-207), stud-
ied Stoic philosophy at Athens
under Cleanthes, whom he suc-
ceeded;volaminouswriter. " Had
there been no Chrysippus, there
had been no Stoa," iii, 42.
Cicero, Marcus TuUius, the orator's
father, III, 77;died(64).
Cicero, Marcus Tullius, the orator
(106-43), bom at Arpinum, cdu-
cated at Rome under Archias,
the Scaevolas, and the teachcrs
of philosophy (see Introduction),
at Atliens, in Asia, and at Rhodes ;
his training was all for service, l,
155; as consul (63) he crushed
the conspiracy of Catiline, i, 84 ;
banished (58), ii, 58 ; his enforced
retirement from his profession,
III, 2-4; as a philosopher and
orator, i, 1-3 ; follower of Socrates
and Plato, l, 2 ; of the New Acad-
emy, ii, 7-8; why he wrote on
philosophy, ii, 2-8; iii, 1-5; atti-
tude on the downfall of the
Republic, li, 2.
Cicero, Marcus TuUius, the orator's
only son, i, 1, 15, 78; ii, 1-8, 44;
lii, 1, 5, 33; born in 65; served
with credit under Pompey, ii,
45, and Sextus Pompey ; a student
of Peripatetic philosophy under
Cratippus in Athens (44-43), i,
1; admonished to read also his
father's works, i, 3; iii, 121;
served under Brutus (43-42) ; con-
sul with Octavian (30).
Cimbrians, a Celtic people, migrat-
ing in a vast horde toward Italy,
were cut to pieces by Marius and
Catulus in the Raudian Plains
near Verona (101), i,38.
Cimon, of Athens, son of the great
Miltiades; victorious admiral;
statesman; genial and generous,
n,64;died(449).
Circe, nymph of Aeaea, a sorceress ;
she kept Odysseus (Ulysses) in her
halls a year, i, 113.
Civic, compared with military ser-
vice, i, 74 fg.
Claudius ; see Appius and Centuma-
lus and Pulcher.
Cleombrotus, son of Pausanias, king
of Sparta, fell at Leuctra (371), i,
84.
Cleomenes; see note to i, 33.
Clodius; Publius Clodius Pulcher,
Cicero's inveterate enemy, one
of the most turbulent and corrupt
characters of Rome, guilty of
mutiny in the army, brihery in
the courts, profiigacy in his
public and private iife; securcd
Cicero's banishment ; hired gladi-
ators to force his own election to
tbe praetorship, but was killed in
a broil with MiIo's rival gang o£
ruffians, ii, 58.
CloeUa, a Roman girl sent as a
hostage to Porsena ; she made her
escape by swimming the Tiber,
was sent back, but restored by
the king with rewards for her
courage, (i, 61).
Clytaemnestra, daughter of Tyn-
dareus, wife of Agamemnon,
paramour of Aegisthus, with
whom she murdered her husband
on his return from Troy ; she was
in tum slain by her son Orestes.
Subject of a tragedy by Accius, i,
114
Cocles, Horatius, the hero who with
two others kept tbe bridge against
Porsena and Tarquin, i,61.
CoUatinus, Lucius Tarquinius, hus-
band of Lucretia, associate of
Brutus in driving out the Tar-
quins and bis colleague in the first
consulship (509), iii, 40.
Comedy ; see Old Comedy.
Concealment, of guilt, iii, 37-39.
Conon, famous Athcnian admiral,
defeated by Lysander at Aegos-
potami (405), victorious over
409
INDEX
Pisandcr of Sparta at Cnidus
(394), restored the long walls, i,
116.
Considerateness, a subdivision of
the virtue of Temperance, i, 99,
143.
Conversation, a division of speech,
I, 132-133; II, 48; an art, i, 134-
135.
Co-operation, and civilization, ii,
12-16; and the viitues, ii, 17-18;
»s. Fortune, ii, 19; a universal
need, ii, 39; how secured, ii, 21
fg-
Corinth, a famous city at the Isth-
mus of Corinth; wealthy; next
to Athens, richest in treasures of
art ; head of the Achaean League ;
sacked and utterly destroyed by
the Romans undcr Mummius
(146), 1,35; 11,76; m, 46.
Cornelius; see Scipio and Spinther
and Sulla.
Cos, chief city of the island of Cos,
- one of the Sporadcs ; famed for its
silks; the birthplace of Apelles,
painter of the Coan Venus, iii,
10.
Cotta, Gaius Aurelius, distinguished
. orator; one of the speakers in
Cicero's de Oratore and de Natura
Deorum; consul (75) ; ii, 59.
Courage ; see Fortitude. ■
Covetousness, ij 68; iii, 30; see
Avarice.
Crassus, Lucius Licinius, the famoiis
orator, ii,.63; iii, 67; at 21 (119)
he won renown by his prosecu-
tioa of Carbo, the one-time friend
of the Gracchi, II, 47, 49; his
aedileship most splendid, ii, 57;
as consul (95),' he seoured the
expulsion from Rome of all who
were not citizens, ni, 47; this^was
a cause of the Social War. He
was the greatest orator of Rome
before Cicero, fluent, graceful,
witty, I, 108, 183-; Cicero's
mouthpiece in the de Oratore.
Crassus; Marcus Licinius Crassus
Dives, the triumvir; his wealth
and ambition, i, 25; sided with
SuIIa against Marius and grew
enormously rich by the proscrip-
tions; bis avarice did not shrtnk
from any mca/in^ss or even crime,
410
i, 109; III, 73-75. He defeareu
Spartacus (71); slain in Parthia
(53).
Crassus; Publius Licinius Crassus
Dives, II, 57 ; father of the trium-
vir, consul (97) ; ended his own life
to escape the proscriptions of
Marius (87); Cicero bought his
house.
Cratippus, of Mitylene, an eminent
Peripatetic, came to Athens
(about 50) to lecture; foremost of
contemporary philosophers and
teacher of young Cicero, i, 1, 2; ii,
8; 111,5,6,33,121
Cunning, not wisdom, ll, 10; in, 72,
96.
Curio, Gaius Scribonius, ii, 59;
orator and statesman, iii, 88;
consul, (76).
Cynics, a school of philosophy so
called from the Athenian gym-
nasium, Cynosarges, whcre they
met, later adapted to their snarl-
ing manner and dirty habits; its
■ leaders were Antisthenes of
Athens, a disciple of Socrates, and
Diogenes of Sinope ; they taught
the virtue of poverty and want,
indifference to all convention and
decency; Cicero's contempt for
them and their so-called philo-
sophy, 1, 128, 148.
Cyrenaics, the philosophic sect
founded by Aristippus (q.v.), iii,
116.
Cyrsilus, a Medizing Athenian, iii,
48.
Cyrus, the Great, founder of the
- Persian Empire ; wonderf ully gif t-
ed in wianing the co-operation of
men and nations, ii, 16.
Damon, a Pythagorean and friend of
Phintias, iii, 45.
Debts, canccllation of, ii, 78-79,
83-85; avoidance of, u, 84; pay-
ment enforced, Hi 84.
Decius; Publius Decius Mus, fatbcr
and son, i, 61 ; iii, 16; the former,
consul with. Maalius Torquatus
(360), devoted himself to death
in the battle on the Veseris. The
son did the same at the battle ol
Sentinuni (295) and brought tb*
Samnite wats to an end-. j
INDEX
Demetrius of Phalerum (345-283),
orator, statesman, ii, 60; philo-
sopher, poet ; pupil of Theo-
phrastus, i, 3; the only Greek
who was both orator and philo-
sopher, i, 3 ; he inspired the found-
ing of the Alexandrine library.
Demetrius Poliorcetes, ii, 26; son of
Antigonus and king of Macedon
(294-287). His life was occupied
with continuous warfare against
enemies in Egypt, Asia, Greece,
Macedonia, Epirus.
Demosthenes, tlie greatest orator of
Athens (385-322); pupil of Isaeus
and of Plato, l, 4; might have
been a great philosopher, i, 4;
at 18 he prosecuted his defaulting
guardian with success, ii, 47 ;
then turned to public speaking
and statecraft as a profession.
Diana, goddess of the light of the
night, identified with Arterais,
iii, 95.
Dicaearchus, of Messana (4th cen-
tury), a Peripatetic philosopher,
geographer, and historian, ii, 16;
pupil of Aristotle and friend of
Theophrastus.
Dinomachus, a Greek philosopher^
always named with Calliphon
-{q.v.), 111,119.
Diogenes, of Babylonia, pupil and
successor of Cbrysippus; best
known for his part in the famous
embassy with Carneades and
Critolaus from Athens to Rome
(156) where, on motion of Cato,
they were not permitted to re-
main; his ethics rather loose, iii,
51-55,91.
Dion, a kinsman of the elder Diony-
sius and tyrant of Syracuse (356-
353) ; a devoted disciple of Plato
at Syracuse and Athens, l, 155.
Dionysius, fhe elder (430-367),
tyrant of Syracuse (405-367), a
typically cruel tyrant, suspicious
and fearful, ii, 25; m, 45 (?); de-
voted to art and literature, him-
self a poet crowned with a prize at
Athens.
Dionysius, the younger, son of the
preceding and tyrant of Syracuse
(367-356, 346-343); devoted to
literature; Plato, Aristippus, Ar-
chytas, and otbers were brought
to his court. Whether the Da-
mon and Phintias story is to be
connected with him or bis fatber
is uncertain, iii, 45 ( ?).
Drusus, Marcus Livius, son of
Gaius Gracchus's colleague in tbe
tribuneship; an eloquent orator,
i, 108; as tribune (91) he at-
tempted to renew tbe social and
agrarian legislation of Gracchus
and was assassinated.
Duty, the most important subject
iii philosophy, i, 4; the most
fruitful field, iii, 5; the philoso-
phic sects and duty, i, 4-6; best
presentation, iii, 7; classification,
i, 7-9; order of importance, i, 58,
152-160; III, 90; to those wbo
have wronged us, i, 33; to an
enemy, i, 35-40; iii, 98-115; to a
slave, I, 41; iii, 89; toward the
laws, 1, 148; of generosity, i, 42-
60; of Temperance-Propriety, i,
100-151; iii, 116-121; of Forti-
tude, III, 97-115; to be prosper-
ous, II, 87; duties of youth, i,
122; II, 52; of age, i, 123; of mag-
istrates, i, 124; of statesmen, i,
-73-85 ; of private citizens, i, 124 ;
of aliens, i, 125; vs. claims of
friendship, in, 43-44; cbange of
duty in change of circumstance,
1, 31, 59; III, 32; "mean" and
"absolute" duty, i, 8; iii, 14;
doubts as to, i, 147.
Eloquence, at the bar, ii, 66; its
decline, ii, 67 ; see Oratory.
Ennius, Quintus (239-169), a Greek
by birth, tbe father of Roman
poetry, wrote an epic (the Annals)
I, 84; tragedies, i, 26, 51, 52; ii,
23, 62 ; III, 62, 104 ; comedies and
satires. ;
Epaminondas, one of tbe.greatest
men of Greece, a student of
Pythagorean philosophy, i, 155;
thc greatest general of Thebes,
victorious at Leuctra (371), i, 84;
humbled Sparta and made Thebes
the leading city of Greece; fell at
Mantinea(362).
Epicurus (342-270), founded at
Atbens the school that bears his
aaine;-author of 300 books,
411
INDEX
natural and ethical philosophy;
held happiness to be the highest
good; Cicero confuses his teach-
ing here vvith that of Axistippus
and the Cyrenaics; with the
latter, liappiness consists in indi-
vidual pleasures; with Epicurus,
it is permanent calm of soul and
freedom from pain, with pure and
lasting pleasures — the pleasures
that come from a life of rigbteous-
ness, iii, 12, 117; the gods existed
but had nothing to do with human
life, III, 102; adopted the atomic
• theory. His own life was tem-
perate even to abstinence; his
foliowers went to excess. A very
popular school, iii, 116; repre-
sented by Cicero as illogical,
iii, 39; their theory of society,
1, 158.
Epigoni, the sons of the Seven
against Thebes ; under Aicmaeon,
Diomedes, etc, they conquered
and destroyed the city. Subject
of a tragedy of Accius, i, 114.
Erillus, of Carthage, pupil of Zeno
the Stoic, held tliat knowledge
is the only good, while everything
else is neitber good nor evil; his
ethical theories rejected, l, 6.
Eteocles, son of Oedipus, drove out
his brother Polynices, in order to
reign alone, and brought on the
war of the Seven against Thebes ;
the brothers fell by each other's
hands; iii, 82.
Euripides (480-406), tragic poet of
Athens; disciple of Anaxagoras
and friend of Socrates; wrote 75
to 90 plays; 17 are extant; Cicero
quotes from the Hippolytus, iii,
82 ; the Phoenissae, iii, 108.
Evil, thesupreme, i, 5; iii, 119; not
pain, i, 5; iii, 105, 117; but moral
wrong, III, 105, 106; tbe only, iii,
106.
E.xpediency, definition, ii, 1, 11;
i:idispensable, iii, 101; identical
with Moral Rectitude, ii, 9-10;
III, 20, 35, 49, 83, 85, 110; con-
flict with Moral Rectitude im-
possible, III, 9, 11, 18, 34, 40, 48,
72; incompatible with immo-
rality, iii, 35, 77, 81. 82, 87; ii,
64; one staodard for botb, ui,
412
75; relative, ii, 88 fg.; possible
change of, iii, 95; occasion for
doubt, III, 19; apparent conflict
with justice, iii, 40, 86; apparent
political expediency vs. humanity,
III, 46-49; in business, iii, 50 fg. ;
apparent conflict with Fortitude,
III, 97-115; apparent conflict witb
Temperance, iii, 116.
Fabius ; see Maximus.
Fabricius; Gaius Fabricius Lus-
cinus, hero of old Rome, famed
for integrity and moral dignity;
called "the Just," iii, 16, 87;
consul (282) ; served agaiiist Pyr-
rhus (280); ambassador to Pyr-
rhus to negotiate exchange of
prisoners; Pyrrlms tried to gain
his favour by appeals to his am-
bition, avarice, and fears — in
vain, i, 38; consul again (278), he
sent back to Pyrrhus the traitor,
i, 40; III, 86-87 ; a rigorous censor
(275) ; lived and died in poverty.
Fame ; see Glory.
Fear, the wretchedness of, ii, 25-26 ;
vs. love, II, 23-26; dangerous to
the one who employs it, ii, 26.
Fetial Law, the laws of the Fetiales,
a college of four priests who
served as guardians of the public
faith; they conducted the cere-
monies attendant upon demaods
for redress, declarations of
war, ratification of treaties, es-
tablishment of peace; i, 36; ni,
108.
Fides; see Good Faith; the god-
dess, III, 104 ; etymology of , i, 23.
Fimbria, Gaius Flavius, colleague
of Marius in his second consulship
(104) ; orator and jurist, iii, 77.
Finance, ii, 87; reform of currency,
111,80-81.
Fortitude, the third Cardinal Virtue,
I, 15, 61-92; its characteristics,
I, 66; in the light of justice, i,
62, 157; dangers attending, i, 46,
62-63; vs. expediency, iii, 97-115;
in Epicurus's systcm, iii, 117.
Fraud, criminal, iii, 60 fg.
Friendship, motives to, «, 55-56 ; ac-
quisition of friends, ii, 30; idcal
i, 56; III, 45-46; vs. duty, iii,
43-44.
INDEX
Fufius, Lucius, an orator of no great
ability, ii, 50.
Furius; Lucius Furius Philus, con-
sul (136), proconsul in Spain, iii,
109; a leamed interlocutor in
Cicero's Republic.
Galus, Gaius Sulpicius; see Sul-
picius.
Gaul, an inhabitant of Gaul, the land
north of the Apennines, iii, 112.
Generosity, divisions of, ii, 52;
close to nature, iii, 24; must not
barm its object, i, 42-43 ; in pro-
portion to one's means, i, 42-44;
II, 55; to the recipienfs merits,
i, 45-60 ; motives to, i, 47-49 ; iii,
118; means to winning popu-
larity, ii, 32; gifts of money, ii,
52-60; personal service, ii, 52,
53; to individuals, ii, 65-71; to
the state, ii, 72 fg. ; when most
appreciated, ii, 63.
Glory, a means to popularity, ii, 31,
43 ; preferred to wealth, li, 88.
Gods, favourof, won by piety, ii, 11 ;
do no hann, ii, 12; iii, 102; free
from care, iii, 102; slow to anger,
III, 102, 104, 105.
Golden Mean, i, 89; in generosity,
II, 58, 59, 60; in personal adorn-
ment, i, 130.
Good, the supreme, i, 5, 7; iii, 52,
119; not pleasure, i, 5; iii, 116,
117, 118; but moral goodness, iii,
11, 35; living in harmony with
nature, iii, 13; the only, moral
goodness, i, 67 ; iii, 12.
Good faith, iii, 104; even to an
enemy, iii, 86 fg., 111, 113.
Good man, what constitutes a, ni,
63, 75-77.
Gracchus, Gajus Sempronius, bro-
ther of the younger Tiberius; a
more radical reformer; tribune
(123 and 122); fell (121) a martyr
to his reforms for the restoration
of the public lands and the re-
duction of the cost of living, ii,
72, 80; his death applauded by
Cicero, li, 43.
Gracchus,Publius Sempronius,father
of the elder Tiberius, ii, 43.
Gracchus, Tiberius Sempronius, fa-
ther of the tribunes, ii, 43; in
his own tribuneship he defended
Scipio (187); a great soldier, ii,
80; twice consul, triurophed
twice ; a just ruler in Spyain ; son-
in-Iaw of the elder, father-in-law
of the younger Africanus, an
ardent aristocrat; hence Cicero's
praise, ii, 43.
Gracchus, Tiberius Sempronius, son
of the foregoing; a persuasive
orator; friend of the people and
helper of the poor and op-
pressed; murdered for attempting
as tribune (133) to reform agrarian
abuses and build up a class of
small farmers, i, 76, 109 ; li, 80 ;
his death applauded by Cicero, ii,
43.
Gratidianus, Marcus Marius; see
Marius.
Gratitude, how won, ii, 63.
Greece, the land of liberty, letters,
art, and civilization, ii, 60; iii,
48, 73, 99 ; cause of fall, ii, 80.
Greek, belonging to or a native of
Greece, i, 108, 111 ; ii, 83 ; in, 82 ;
leaders in literature, i, 3; masters
of philosophy, i, 8, 51, 142, 153;
II, 18; Greek and Latin studies,
1,1.
Gyges, the shepherd who dethroned
Candaules and became king of
Lydia (716-678), III, 38, 78.
Gytheum, the harbour-town and
arsenal of Sparta, iii, 49.
Hamilcar, a successful Carthaginian
general in the First Punic War,
deftated by Regulus at Ecnomus ;
opposed Regulus in Africa, iii,
99; confused with Hamilcar
Barca {q.v.), iii, 99.
Hamilcar Barca, famous command-
er of the Carthaginian forces in
Sicily (247-241); in Spain (238-
229); father of Hannibal, iii, 99.
Hannibal (247-183), one of the
worId's greatest generals, i, 108 ;
son of Hamilcar Barca, iii, 99;
sacked Saguntum (219), crossed
the Alps and defeated the Romans
on the Trebia and Ticinus (218),
at Trasimenus (217), Cannae
(216), l, 40; iii, 113-114; defeated
at Zama (202); maligned by the
Romans as treacherous and crue ,
1,38.
413
INDEX
Harm, ffom gods to men, ii, 12; iii,
102; men to men, ii, 16 fg.
Health, impossible without man's
co-operation, ii, 12, 15 ; care of,
11,86.
Hecaton, of Rhodes, a Stoic, pupil
of Panaetius, iii, 63,89.
Hercuies, the greatest of heroes, son
of Zeus (Jupiter) and Alcmena,
i, 118; his choice of his path in
. life, 1, 118 ; performer of the twelve
labours; benefactor of humanity,
III, 25 ; his attainment of heaven,
111,25.
Hernicians, a tribe in the Sabine
mountains, subdued by Rome
(306), I, 35.
Herodotus, of Halicarnassus (5th
century), lived also at Athens and
Thurii; the father of history;
travelled widely and wrote the
history of Persia and Greece, ii,
41.
Hesiod, the Boeotian didactlc poet
(8th century) ; author of the The-
ogony, the Works and Days, etc,
I, 48.
Hippoly tus, son of Theseus ; his step-
mother Phaedra fell in love with
bim; he rejected her advances
but promised not to tell, iii, 108;
she accused him falsely; his
innocence proved, Phaedra hang-
ed herself and Theseus suffered
lifelong remorse, i, 32; iii, 94.
Home, of raan of rank; see House.
Homer, the poet, author of Iliad
and Odyssey, iii, 97.
Honesty, the bond of human society,
III, 21 fg.; the corner-stone of
government, ii, 78 fg.
House, suitablc for a man of rank, i,
138-140.
Hortensius, Quintus (114-50), Ci-
cero's famous rival as orator and
advocate; his close friend (after
63), III, 73; enormously wealthy;
lavish in his aedileship (75), ii,
57; not always scrupulous, iii,
73-74,
Hospitallty, the duty of, ii, 64.
Humility, in prosperity, i, 90-91.
IUyria, the country between Mace-
donia and the Adriatic, ii, 40.
Ingratitude, abhorred, ii, 63.
Injustice, active and passive, i, 23,
28; never expedient, ni, 84; of
hypocrisy, i, 41.
Instinct and Reason, difference be-
t\\'een man and beast, i, 11.
Iiitegrity, official, ii, 75, 76, 77.
Iphigenia, daughter of Agaraemnon
^ and Clytaemnestra {q.v.) ; sacri-
ficed at Aulis, ni, 95.
Isocrates (436-338), one of the ten
Attic orators, pupil of Gorgias
anc^ Socrates ; a polished speaker ;
greater as a teacher than as an
orator; might have been a great
philosopher, i, 4.
Italian War (90-88), caused by
Rome's injustice to the allies, pro-
voked by the fear of prosecution
on the part of the corrupt aristo-
crats, II, 75; resulted in Rome's
granting the contentions of the
allies.
Italy, in government identified with
Rome, II, 76.
Ithaca, the home of Odysseus
(Ulysses), an island of the lonian
group west of Greece, probably
, the historical Leucas, iii, 97.
Janus, an old Italian sun-god; a
. covered passage (commonly called
his temple) adjoining the forum
accommodated thebanking houses
of Rome, ii, 87.
Jason, tyrant of Pherae (395-370),
generalissimo of Thessaly (374-
370), an able soldier and diplo-
mat, i, 108.
Jests;s<«Wit.
Jove; s<e Jupiter
Jugurtha, king of Numidia (118-
106), campaigned with Scipio
against Numantia; war with
Rome (112-106) protracted by his
bribes as much as by his arms, lll,
79 ; executed in Rome (104).
J ulius ; see Caesar.
Junius; see Brutus and Pennus acd
Silanus.
Jupiter, the greatest of the gods of
Italy, III, 102, 105; " Supreme
and Best," iii, 104; father of
Hercules, i, 118.
Justice, thesecond Cardinal Virtue,
I, 15, 17, 20-41; In what con-
«isting, I, 20; not fully comprc-
INDEX
hended,. m, 69 ; queen of all the
virtues,, iii, 28; most important,
I, 153; close to nature, i, 163;
III, 24; rule of duty, i, 29-30; in
war, 1, 38-40; aad generosity, i,
, 42; vs. Wisdom, i, 152-157; vs.
^. Fortitude, i, 157 ; vs. Temperance,
I, 159-160; indispensable in busi-
ness, II, 40; iuspires most confi-
dence, ii, 34 ; the best means to
popularity, ii, 39; to glory, ii, 43;
always expedient, iii, 96; in con-
iiict with apparent expediency,
111,40,86.
Labeo, Qulntus Fabius, grandson
of Fabius Maximus, Consul (183);
injustice of, i, .33.
Lacedaemon ; see Sparta.
Laciads, citizens of the deme of
Lacia, west of Athens, the home
of Miltiades, u, 64.
Laelius, Gaius, surnamed " the
Wise," III, 16; statesman; soldier
under Scipio at Carthage, success-
ful against Viriathus, ii, 40; a
Stoic, pupil of Diogenes and
Panaetius ; a man of endless charm
and wit, i, 90, 108 ; his friendship
for Af ricanus inunortalized, ii, 31 ;
a man of letters, centre of the
literary group comprising also
Scipio, Panaetius, Polybius, Te-
rence, Lucilius.
Lanarius, Gaius Calpurnius, iii, 66.
Latin, study of combined with
Greek, i, 1-2.
Latins, the people of Latium, the
province in which Rome is
situated, the first territory added
to Rome, i, 38 ; decisive battle on
the Anio, iii, 112.
Law, the origin of, ii, 41-42; the
majesty of, i, 148; as a profes-
sion, II, 65; its decline with the
end of the Republic, ii, 67; iii,
2.
Lentulus ; Publius Comelius Lentu-
lus Spinther, the splendour of his
aedileship (63), ii, 57; as consul
(57) he was largely instrumental
in securing Cicero's recall from
banishment.
Leuctra, a town of Boeotia, where
the Spartans undrr Cleombrotus
were disastrously defeated by
Epaminondas and the Thebans
(371), 1,61; II, 26.
Love, hmv won, ii, 32; vs. fear, ii,
23-26.
LucuUus, Lucius Licinius (110-56),
surnamed Ponticus for his vic-
tories over Mithradates (84-66);
famed for his wealth and mag-
nificence, i, 140; for the splen-
dour of his aedileship with his
brother Marcus (79), ii, 57; with
him prosecuted Servilius to
avenge their father whom he had
, accused of bribery and corrup-
tion, 11, 50; patron of letters,
especially of the poet Archias.
Lucullus, Marcus Licinius, asso-
ciated with his brother Lucius
{q.v.}, II, 60, 57; soldier and
■ orator.
Lusitania, western Spain, practically
modern Portugal, ii, 40.
Lutatius ; See Catulus.
Luxury, a vice, i, 92, 106, 123.
Lycurgus (9th century), the famous
lawgiver of Sparta, author ( ?) of
the Spartan constitution, i, 76.
Lydia, the central country of wes»
tern Asia Minor, iii, 38.
Lysander, the Spartan admiralwho
defeated the Athenians at Aegos-
potami (405), received the capitu-
lation of Athens (404), established
, ' the Thirty Tyrants (403), and
gave Sparta her leadership, i, 76,
109.
Lysander, the ephor (241), a de-
scendant of the admiral, a friend
of King Agis (q.v.), sought to bring
about agrarian reforms based up-
on the constitution of Lycurgus;
for this he was banished, ii 80.
Lysis, of Tarentum, a Pythagorean;
expelled from Italy, he came to
Thebes and taught Epaminondas,
1, 155.
Macedonia, until the time of Philip
a small coimtry north of Thessaly.
i, 37.
Macedonians.the people of Macedon,
I, 90 ; II, 53 ; deserted to Pyrrhus,
II, 26; Paulus and their wealth,
II, 76.
Maelius, Quintus, tribune (321),
more probably tribune-elect, as
415
INDEX
tribunes could not leave the city,
III, 109.
Magnificence, in the home, i, 140.
Mamercus; Aemilius Lepidus Ma-
mercus Livianus, a ktnsman of
Caesar; though defeated once, ii,
58, he was later (77) consul.
Mancia, Quintus Mucius, unknown,
I, 109.
Mancinus, Gaius Hostilius; in his
consulship (137) he was defeated
by the Numantines; his delivery
to the enemy, iii, 109.
Minlius ; Aulus Manlius Capitolinus,
father of Lucius {g.v.), iii, 112.
M inUus; Lucius Manlius Capitolinus
Imperiosus; named dictator to
mark the year (363), he used his
office to engage in a war ; that he
transgressed but a " few days "
was due to the intervention of the
tribunes, iii, 112.
M mUus ; Titus Manlius Imperiosus
Torquatus, his son, a famous hero
of Roman story ; as consul at the
time of the battle on the Veseris
he executed his own son for dis-
obeying orders, though the dis-
obedience won the spolia opima,
iii, 112.
Marathon, a plain about twenty
miles north of Athens where (490)
Miltiades and his ten thousand
deleated the hosts of Darius, i,
61.
MarceUus, Marcus Claudius, cam-
paigned against Hannibal in Italy,
took Syracuse (212), five times
consul, a brave but cruel soldier,
over-praised by the Romans, i,
61,
Marcus ; iee Cicero — Marcus TuUius,
the son.
Marcius; s« Philippus.
Marius, Gaius (157-87), seven times
consul ; gained his first consulship
dishonourably, iii, 79, 81; con-
quered Jugurtha (107); saved
Rome from the invading Clmbri
(102) and Teutons (101); a miU-
tary genius, i, 76; cruel and
selnsh, he flooded the streets of
Rome with her best blood in the
civil war with Sulla.
Marius ; Marcus Marius Gratidianus,
the son (or grandson) of Marcus
416
Gratidius whose sister married
Cicero's grandfather; adopted by
a kinsman of the great Marius;
hence his name; twice praetor;
murdered by CatiUne during
SuUa's proscriptions, iii, 67; his
unbounded popularity in his first
praetorship (86), lu, 80-81.
Mars, the god of war, iii, 34.
Marseilles (MassiUa), a Greek city
on the southern coast of Gaul,
independent of the province; it
sided with Pompey; Caesar cap-
tured the city after a protracted
siege and exacted cruel vengeance,
11,28.
Maximus; Quintus Fabius Maxi-
mus Cunctator, consul four
times; in his second dictatorship
(217) he won his sumame by
harassing Hannibal, watching his
plans and working on the defen-
sive, I, 84, 108.
Medes, the people of Media, a great
kingdom in central Asia Minor
added to Persia by Cyrus, ii, 41.
Medus, a son of Medea and Aegeus ;
wandering in search of his mother
he came to Colchis, where Medea
saved his Ufe;the subject of a
tragedy of Pacuvius, i, 114.
Melanippa, mother of Boeotiis and
Aeolus by Posidon (Neptune) ;
blinded and imprisoned by her
father, she was at last rescued by
her sons and her sight was re-
stored by Posidon; subject of a
tragedy of Ennius, l, 114.
Metellus ; Quintus Caecilius MeteUus
Macedonicus, won his sumamc by
his victories over Andriscus (148) ;
a political rival and yet a good
friend of the younger Scipio, i, 87.
Metellus; Quintus Caecilius Metellus
Numidicus, nephew of the pre-
ceding, statesman and soldier;
as consul (109), carried on the war
with Jugurtha with distingrished
success, III, 79.
Metrodorus, of Lampsacus (330-
277), the most distinguished of the
disciples of Epicurus; his Epi-
cureanism was of the grossly sen-
sual sort ; his conception of bappi-
ness misunderstood by Cicero,
ni, 117.
INDEX
Milo, ntus Annius, an unscrupu-
lous and turbulent fellow; as tri-
bune (57) he did much for Cicero's
recal! and made a sworn enemy of
Clodius {q.v.); hired gladiators to
force his own election, ii, 58;
defended without success by
Cicero for liilling Clodius.
Minerva, goddess of tbought, tem-
perament, wit, i, 97.
Minos, son of Zeus (Jupiter) and
liing of Crete; because of his
upright life he was made judge
with Aeacus (q.v.) in Hades, i,
97.
Moderation, defined, i, 142.
Modesty, 1,126-129.
Mucius ; see Scaevola.
Mummius ; Lucius Mummius Achai-
cus, as consul (146) broke up the
Achaean League, razed Corinth
to the ground, i, 35 ; ii, 46 ; carried
to Italy untold treasuresof wealth
and art, ii, 76.
Naples, the beautiful Greek city of
Campania, i, 33.
Nasica ; see Scipio.
Neptune, god of the sea, i, 32; ii,
94.
New Academy ; see Academy.
Nicocles, tyrant of Sicyon, ii, 81.
Nola, a city in Campania. loyal to
Rome, I, 33.
Norbanus, Gaius, tribune (95),
impeached (94) for treason, ii,
49;consul (83).
Numantia, the capital of Celtiberla,
razed to the ground after a long
siege by the younger Scipio, i,
35, 76; treacherously treated bv
Rome, iii, 109.
Numicius, Tiberius, colleague of
Quintus Maelius {q.v.), iii, 109.
Oath, significance of, i, 39, 40; iii,
102 fg.; fidelity to, i, 39, 40;
iii, 99-112; violation of, iii, 113
fg. ; see Perjury.
Octavius, Gnaeus, as praetor com-
manded the fleet against Perseus
<168)andgained a tnumph ; consul
(165), 1, 138.
Octavius, Marcus, tribune (120);
had the com law of Gaius Grac-
chus repealed and secured the
RE
passage of a new and more con«
servative one, ii, 72.
Old Age, duties pecidiar to, i, 123;
worst vices of, i, 123.
Old Comedy, that of Aristophanes,
Cratinus, Eupolis, etc, the come-
dy of personal abuse, i, 104.
Orata, Gaius Sergius Silus, praetor
(97), III, 67.
Oratory, a division of speech, i,
132; divisions of, ii, 49; a means
f or winning favour, ii, 48 ; a means
for service, ii, 65-71; a power
to save, II, 51.
Orderliness, defined, i, 142; of
action, i, 142-145.
Orestes; Gnaeus Aufidius Orestes
Aurelianus, consul (71), ii, 58.
Palamedes, the inventor; exposed
UIysses's trick, iii, 98; treacher-
ously done to death in revenge.
Palatine, the hill above the forum
on the south; east of the capital,
1, 138.
Panaetius, of Rhodes (180-111 ca.),
Stoic philosopher, disciple of
Diogenes and Antipater {q.v.) at
Athens, close friend of Laelius
{g.v.) and Scipio, i, 90; ii, 76;
popularized philosophy, ii, 36;
wrote a book on moral duty,
m, 7; failed to define duty, i, 7;
classification of duty, i, 9 ; omits
third division, i, 152, 161; ii, 88;
reason.j for omission, iii, 7-18, 34 ;
how it would have been met, iii,
33 ; other omissions, h, 86 ; on co-
operation, ii, 16 ; defends Iawyer's
efforts in a bad case, ii, 51; on
expensive public buildings, ii,
60; Cicero's model, ii, 60; iii, 7;
Hecaton's teacher, iii, 63.
Papius, Gaius, as tribune (66), re-
vived the law of Pennus {q.v.),
Ui, 47.
Patriotism, i, 83; duty to country,
1, 160; in, 90, 95 ; to die for coun-
try, I, 57; sacrifice for, i, 84;
III, 100; right to do wrong for
one's country, i, 159; iii, 93, 95.
Paulus, Lucius Aemilius, consul
(216), defeated and slain at
Cannae, i, 114.
Paulus; Lucius Aemilius Paulus
Macedonicus, son of the preceding;
417
INDEX
in his second consulship he con-
quered Perseus of Macedon at
Pydna (168) and enriched Rome
witli spoils, II, 76 ; the father of the
younger Africanus, i, 116, 121.
Pausanias, king of Sparta, com-
mander-in-chief of the forces of
Greece at Plataea (479) to the
glory of Sparta, i, 76.
Peloponnesian War, the death-
struggle of Athens with Sparta
(431-404), 1,84.
Peloponnesus, the lower peninsula
of Greece, in which Sparta was
the chief city, i, 84.
Pelops, son of Tantalus and king of
Mycenae, father of Atreus and
Thyestes, iii, 84.
Pennus, Marcus Junius; as tribune
(126) he secured a law expelling
all foreigners from Rome, iii, 47.
Pericles, the peerless statesman of
Athens, ii, 16 ; philosopher, frien;!
of Anaxagoras and Socrates ;
orator of mighty power, serious
and deep, i, 108; general, i, 144;
his administration made Athens
unequalled in the splendour of
her public buildings, ii, 60.
Peripatetics, foUowers of Aristotle
tq.v.), empiricists, ii, 16; students
of exact science; lack the poetry
and eloquence of Plato but not
very different from the New
Acaderay, i, 2; iii, 20; foUowers
of Socrates and Plato, i, 2; their
right to teach ethics, i, 6 ; seek the
golden mean, 1, 89 ; moral rectitude
the supreme good, iii, 11; moral
wrong the supreme evil, iii, 106;
young Cicero their foUower, i, 1 ;
11,8.
Perjury, iii, 106-108, 113.
Perseus, the last king of Macedon,
conquered by Paulus (?.».), i, 37.
Persians, the people of Persia, the
great empire of western Asia; un-
der Darius they invaded Greece
and were beaten back at Marathon
(490), I, 61 ; under Xerxes were
overwhehningly dcfeated at Sala-
mis (480), I, 61; iii, 48, 49; and
at Plataea (479), i, 61.
Phaedra, daughter of Minos, wife
of Theseus and stepraother of
Hippolytus [q.v.), iii, 94.
418
Phaethon, his story, iii, 94.
Phalaris, tyrant of Agrigentum (6th
century), type of inhuman cru-
elty, II, 26; iii, 29, 32; slain in an
uprising of his people, ii, 26 ; typi-
cal of Caesar.
Phalerum, a deme of Attica on the
bay of Phalerum, i, 3; ii, 60.
Pherae, a town of south-eastern
Thessaly, the home of Admetus;
of Jason, I, 108; of Alexander,
II, 25.
Philip, conqueror, klng of Mace-
don (359-336),educated at Thebes,
cultured, i, 90; wise, ii, 48; elo-
quent, tactful and firm in disci-
pline, II, 53.
Philip, the younger, son of Anti-
gonus iq.v.), II, 48.
Philippus, Lucius Marcius, orator
second only to Crassus and
Antonius, i, 108; statesman, ii,
59; as tribune (104), proposed
agrarian reforms, ii, 73; dis-
honest policy toward the Asiatic
states, 111,87.
Philippus, Quintus Marcius, father
of preceding, consul (186 and 169),
11,59; 111,87.
Philosophers, why righteous, i, 28;
attitude toward civic duty, i, 28 ;
as teachers, i, 155.
Philosophy, the study of, i, 1-4;
theoretical speculation, i, 153;
meaning, ii, 5; spirit of, ii, 7; as
a discipline, ii, 4; worth while, ii,
5 fg. ; why Cicero turned to it, ii,
2-8; 111,1-6.
Phintias, the friend of Damon (q.v.),
III, 45.
Phoenissae, the Phoenician Women,
a tragedy of Euripides dealing
with the war of the Seven against
Thebes, iii, 82.
1'icenum, state of north-east Italy,
on the Adriatic, iii, 74.
['inthia, Marcus Lutatius, un-
known, iii, 77.
Piraeus, the great, landlocked har-
bour of Athens, about five miles
from the city, iii, 46.
Piso; Lucius Calpurnius Piso Frugi,
so surnamed for his integrity;
author and statosraan; tribune
(149); law against extortion, ii,
76;cousuI(133).
INDEX
Plaetorian Law, enacted{192),iii,61.
Plataea, the heroic little city at the
foot of Mount Cithaeron in
Boeotia; alone with Athens at
Marathon (490); the scene of the
final defeat of the Persians in
Hellas (479), i, 61.
Plato (429-347), pupil and friend
of Socrates, profound philoso-
pher and brilhant author, i, 22,
63; ideal statesman, i, 85, 87;
might have been a great orator,
I, 4; founder of the Academy
(^.tr.); a great teacher, i, 155;
often quoted by Cicero, i, 15
22, 28, 63, 64, 85, 87; iii, 38, 39.
Plautus, Titus Maccius (254-184),
the greatest of Rome's comic
poets ; rich in wit, i, 104.
Po, the great river of Cisalpine
Gaul, III, 88.
Poeni; see Carthaginians.
Polybius, of Megalopolis (204-122),
president of the Achaean League,
detained at Rome in the house
of Aemilius Paulus; friend of
Scipio Aemilianus and Laelius;
author of a history of Rome.iii,
113.
Pompey; Gnaeus Pompeius Mag-
nus (106-48), warrior, i, 76;
(ii, 20;) poUtician, the enemy of
Caesar, the idol of Cicero, ii, 2;
conquered the pirates, Sertorians,
Mithradates, J udaea, i, 78 ; trium-
vir; married Julia, iii, 82;
adorned Rome with great build-
ings, 11, 60; magnificent shows,
II, 57; defeated at Pharsalus
(48), 11,45.
Pompey; Quintus Pompeius Rufus,
consul (141) ; as commander in the
war with Numantia (140) made
the unfortunate peace, iii, 109.
Pompey, Sextus, cousin of Pompey
the Great, Stoic, scholar, geo-
metrician, i, 19.
Pomponius, Marcus, tribune (363);
accuser of Lucius Manlius, iii,112.
Pontius, Gaius, the Samnite general,
victor at the Caudine Forks (321),
II, 75; faithlessly treated, de-
feated (292), and executed in
Rome.
Poor, services to the, ii, 61 fg. ; their
gratitude, ii, 63, 69-71.
PopiHus [Marcus Popilius Laenas,
as consul (172) campaigning in
Liguria, i, 36].
Popular esteem, a means to glory,
II, 31 ; how gained, n, 44 fg.
Posidonius, of Apamea (135-51), a
Stoic, disciple of Panaetius at
Athens, iii, 8 ; established a school
at Rhodes where Cicero studied
under him; later he Uved with
Cicero in Rome ; author of many
works, 1, 159; iii, 10.
Postumius; Spurius Postumius Al-
binus, defeated in his second con-
sulship (821) at the Caudine
Forks, III, 109.
Prodicus, of Ceos (fifth century), a
respected sophist; his " Choice
of Hercules," i, 118.
Profession ; see Vocation.
Promises, non-fulfilment sometimes
a duty, I, 32 ; iii, 92-95 ; sacred
though given to an enemy, i, 39-
40.
Property, private, how obtained,
I, 92; rights of, i, 21; ii, 73-79,
85 ; III, 53 ; public, rights of, i, 21,
5L
Propriety, defined, i, 96; its rela-
tions to the Cardinal Virtues, i,
93-100; poetic, i, 97; moral, i,
98-99; conduct in accord with
personal endowment, i, 110-117;
in choosing a career, i, 115-121;
in outward appearance, i, 130;
in inward self-control, i, 131-132;
in speech, i, 132 fg. ; in the home,
1, 138-140.
Propylaea, the magnificent gateway
to the AcropoUs of Athens, built
(437-431) by Pericles and Mnesi-
cles at a cost of i(;500,000, ii, 60.
Prosecution, ii, 49; to be rarely
undertaken, ii, 50; a public ser-
vice, 11, 50.
Prudence ; see Wisdom.
Ptolemy, Philadelphus (309-247),
king of Egypt, patron of art and
letters, had the Bible translated;
vastly rich, ii, 82.
Public Lands, private occupation to
be maintained, i, 21.
Public Service, as a career, i, 70 fg. ;
as a duty, i, 72 ; as an honour, i,
73; free from partisanship, i, 85-
86 ; self-seeking, i, 87 ; vindictlve-
419
INDEX
ness, I, 88; anger, i, 89; guided
by wisdoin, i, 155-156.
Public shows, extravagant expendi-
tures, II, 55-60; expected of an
aedile, ii, 57-60.
Pulcher, Gaius Claudius, son of
Appius, aedile (99), ii, 57; consul
(92).
Public Wars ; see Carthage.
Pyrrho, of Elis (fourth century),
founder of the school of the Scep-
tics; held that virtue is the only
good, that truth and Ijnowledge
are unattainable; his ethical
theories rejected, i, 6.
Pyrrhus (318-272), king of Epirus,
descended from Achilles and
Aeacus, i, 38 ; a daring soldier and
a gallant enemy, i, 38; a career
of adventure and conquest, i,
38; in, 86; invaded Italy (280-
275); the story of the poisoner,
1, 40; III, 86; (see also Fabricius);
invaded Macedonia (273) and the
enemy's troops joined him, ll, 26 ;
killed in Argos (272).
Pythagorean, a follower of Pythag-
oras or member of his secret
fraternity, i, 155 ; iii, 45.
Pythagoras, of Samos (sixth cen-
tury), studied in the Orient,
great mathematician ; moral and
religious teacher; serious, ascetic,
I, 108; taught transmigration of
souls; founded a secret brother-
hood of ideal friendship, i, 56;
asceticism was the rule of prac-
tice, with deep meditation and
lofty aspiration.
Pythian, epithet of Apollo, from
Pytho, another name for Delphi,
n, 77.
Pythius, of Syracuse, his dis-
honesty, iii, 58.
Quirinus, the Sabine name for thc
deified Romulus, iii, 41.
Recklessness, to be avoided, i, 81,
83.
Regulus, Marcus Atilius, a favourite
hero of old Rome ; consul (267
and 256), annihilated the Car-
thaginian fleet, took many towns,
was finally (256) defeated and
taken prisoner, i, 39; iii, 99;
420
his famous emoassy and tne ethics
of his conduct, iii, 99-115.
Remus, twin brother of Romulus,
slain for leaping in derision over
the new walls of Rome, in, 41.
Reproof, how administered, i, 136.
Republic, the Roman; its glory, ii,
2; the protectorate of the world,
II, 27; its downfall, i, 35; ii, 2-5,
29, 65; III, 2, 4, 83; the tyraufs
sway, II, 23-29; iii, 81-85; en-
slaved, iii, 84-85.
Retirement, the life of, i, 69-70.
Rhodes, a large island off the coast
of Caria, iii,50.
Rhodian, a native of Rhodcs, iii,
50, 57; 111,63.
Riches, the object of acquiring, i,
25 ; proper use of , i, 68 ; compared
with virtue, iii, 24 (s<<WeaIth).
Roman, of or belonging to Rome,
III, 58; people, i, 33; iii, 79,
83-86, 105, 109, 114; the peoplc
of Rome, ii, 75; celebrated for
courage, i, 61; champion of jus-
tice, I, 36; ii, 26; hatred of
tyranny and injustice, iii, 19;
atonement for tyranny and injus-
tice, II, 27-29; their enslavement,
111,85-86.
Rome, the capital of the Empire
and mistress of the world, i, 39,
40;iii, 73, 79, 99, 112, 113.
Romulus, the mythical king, founder
of Rome, iii, 40; builder of its
walls ; not justified in slaying his
brother, iii, 41.
Roscius, Sextus, of Ameria, ac-
cused by Chrysogonus, a freed-
man of Sulla's, of murdering his
father; bravely and successfully
defended by Cicero at the age of
twenty-six, ii, 51.
Rupilius, an actor otherwise un-
known, i, 114.
Rutilius; Publius Rutilius Rufus, a
disciple of Publius Scaevola, ii,
47; of Panaetius, lii, 10; with
Quintus Scaevola in Asia he re-
pressed the extortion of the pub-
licans, was banished, and de-
voted his life to philosophy and
literature, iii, 10.
Sabine, belonging to the province
ol central Italy, iii, 74; the Sa-
INDEX
bines, unfriendly to Rome till
subdued and added to the empire
(290), I, 35, 38.
Sacred Laws; the Leges Sacratae,
laws for the violation of wbich
the oflfender was nominally con-
secrated to some god — i.e., laden
with acurse, iii, 111.
Salamis, the island and straits
directly in front of the Piraeus
{q.v.), where (480) Themistocles
and the allied Greeks virtually
annihilated the fleets of Persia,
1,61,75.
Sale, fraud in sale of real estate,
III, 54-64; laws concerning, iii,
65-71 ;ofslaves, iii, 71-72.
Salmacis, a fountain (and nymph)
at Halicamassus, whose waters
made men who drank them weak
and eflfeminate, i, 61.
Samnites, the brave, liberty-loving
people of Samnium, a province
of south-central Italy; after
seventy-one years (343-272) of
war with Rome admitted to citi-
zenship, i, 38; famous for their
victory at the Caudine Forks, iii,
109; Gaius Pontius, ii, 75.
Sanitation ; see Health.
Sardinia, the large island north of
Sicily, made a province (238),
misgoverned, ii, 50.
Satrius; Marcus Minucius Basilus
Satrianus, adopted by Lucius
Minucius Basilus, his inherit-
ance, iii, 74.
Scaevola, Publius Mucius, father of
the pontifex maximus, consul
(133) and friend of Tiberius
Gracchus, an expert in the ponti-
fical law, II, 47.
Scaevola, Quintus Mucius, the
Augur, son of the preceding, son-
in-Iaw of Laelius, friend of Afri-
canus, consul (117), preceptor
to Cicero ; simple in his greatness,
I, 109.
Scaevola, Quintus Mucius, the
Pontifex Maximus, son of Pub-
lius, preceptor of Cicero; orator,
jurist ; authority on the civil law,
his business honour, iii, 62, 70;
followed his father's calling, i,
116; magnificent aedileship, ii,
57 ; consul (96), m, 47.
Scaurus, Marcus Aemilius, consul
(115) ; partisan rather than states-
man, i, 76; ambassador to Jugur-
tha (112), notorious corruptionist,
but loyal aristocrat; hence Cice-
ro's praise, i, 108.
Scaurus, Marcus Aemilius, son of
the preceding, step-son of SuIIa,
aedile (68) with extraordinary
magnificence, ii, 57; governor of
Sardinia (56), which he plundered
outrageously ; successfully de-
fended by Cicero and Horten-
sius; later (52) condemned and
banished, i, 138; palace on the
Palatine, i, 138.
Scipio, Gnaeus Cornelius, brother
of Publius {see foUowing) ; consul
(222) with Marcus Marcellus;
with Publius in Spain (217-211);
a gallant soldier, i, 61 ; iii, 16.
Scipio, Publius Cornelius, brother
of Gnaeus and father of the eldcr
Africanus, l, 121 ; consul (218),
defeated by Hannibal at the
Ticinus; waged war in Spain
(217-211); a gallant soldier, i,
61 ; iii, 16.
Scipio; Publius Cornelius Scipio
Africanus Major (234-183), the
son of Publius, i, 121 ; grandfather
of the Gracchi, ii, 80; defeatcd
Hannibal at Zama (202) and
closed the war; never idle in his
zeal for Rome, iii, 1-4.
Scipio, Publius Cornelius, son of
Africanus Major, adoptive father
of Africanus Minor; gifted men-
tally but physically disqualified
for an active career, i, 121.
Scipio; Publius Cornelius Scipio
Aemilianus Africanus Minor, son
of Aemilius Paulus Macedonicus,
I, 116, 121; adopted son of Pub-
lius Africanus's son, i, 121 ; friend
and pupil of Panaetius, i, 90 ; in-
timate friend of Laelius {g.v.) and
devoted to literature; serious,
earnest, i, 108; self-control, ii,
76; a great soldier, i, 76, 116;
at Pydna (168) with his father;
captured and destroyed Carthage
(136) and Numantia (133), i, 35;
II, 76; statesman of high ideals,
a bitter rival and yet a friend o
Quintus Metellus, i, 87.
421
INDEX
Scipio; Publius Comelius Scipio
Nasica Serapio, known cLiefly as
the man who led the riot and mur-
dered Tiberius Gracchiis, i, 76,
109.
Scipio; Publius Cornelius Scipio
Nasica, son of the preceding;
died in his consulship (111); a
charming gentleman and a bril-
liant speaker, i, 109.
Secret sin, ii, 37 fg.
Seius, Marcus, reduced the price of
corn and rc^;ained his lost popu-
larity, ii, 58.
Self-control; s«« Temperance.
Self-sacrifice, rii, 25 ; of Regulus, iii,
97-115.
Sergius, Gaius ; see Orata.
Sicily, the great island south-west
of Italy, fertile and rich, occupied
along the coasts by prosperous
Greek colonies, a Roman province
(212 on), an easy prey for rapa-
cious governors, as Verres whom
Cicero prosecuted (70), ii, 50.
Sicyon, a city near Corinth, famous
as a centre of art ; Aratus and the
tyranny, ii, 81-82.
Silanus, Decimus Junius, stepfather
of Marcus Brutus, consul (62),
aedile, ii, 57.
Slaves, duty toward, i, 41; iii, 89.
Social Instinct, man and beast, i,
12, 50; bees, i, 157; leads to jus-
tice, I, 157; weighed against jus-
tice, 1, 159 fg.
Society, principles of, i, 50-57; iii,
53 ; rights of, i, 21 ; service to, i,
153,155.
Socrates (469-399), the great philo-
sopher and teacher, ii, 43; his
ethics, III, 11, 77; his perfect
poise, I, 90 ; brilliant dialectician,
with a profound meaning in every
word, I, 108; personal eccen-
tricities, i, 148. "The noblest,
ay, and the wisest and most
righteous man that we have
ever known."
Socratic, following Socrates, i, 104,
134 ; II, 87 ; most schools of philo-
sophy are based on the teaching
of Socrates — the Academy, i, 2;
the Peripatetic, i, 2; iii, 20; the
Cynic, i, 128; the Cyrenaic, iii,
116 ; the Stoic, i, 6 ; etc,
422
Sol, the sun-god, father of Phaeth<.in,
iii, 94.
Solon, the great lawgiver of Athens
(638-558 ca.), poet, soldier, states-
man ; his feigned madness and the
acquisition of Salamis, i, 108 ; his
constitution and the reorganized
Areopagus, i, 75.
Sophocles, the great tragic poet
(495-406), supreme on the Athe-
nian stage (468-441); general in
the war against Samos (440), i,
144.
Sparta, capital of Lacedaemon in
the south-eastern part of the
Peloponnesus, iii, 99; constitu-
tion of Lycurgus, i, 76; national
character, i, 64; position at end
of Persian wars, i, 76; at end of
Peloponnesian war, i, 76; her
arsenal, m, 49; disasters, i, 84;
despotic, II, 26 ; cause of her fall,
II, 77, 80.
Stoics, adherents of the school
founded by Zeno, an offshoot
from Cynicism, i, 128; refounded
by Chrysippus; philosophy with
them is practical, making life
accord with Nature's laws, iii,
13; virtue and philosophy are
identical; virtue the only good, i,
6; III, 11, 12; moral wrong the
only evil, iii, 106; pain no
evil, III, 105 ; no degrees of right
or viTong, I, 10; etymologists,
I, 23; define fortitude, i, 62;
temperance, i, 142; duties, iii,
14; controversies, iii, 91; their
right to teach ethics, i, 6;
Cicero adopts their teach.ing,
I, 6; III, 20; common interests,
I, 22 ; their theology a pantheistic
materialism, God working in his
providence, iii, 102; repre-
sentative Stoics, ii, 61, 80; iii,
51.
Sulla; Lucius Comelius SuIIa Felix
(138-78), noble, profligate, bril-
liant genius; would stoop to
anything, i, 109; soldier against
Jugurtha, Mithradates, Marius,
Rome; statesman; reformed the
constitution ; absolute monarch of
Rome (81-79) ; treatment of trib-
utary allies, ni, 87; confiscator,
i, 43; ir, 29; ovcrturned the old
INDEX
morals, ii, 27; Cicero opposed
him, II, 51.
SuUa, Publius Cornelius, nephew of
the dictator, ii, 29; defended by
Cicero on charge of complicity
in Catiline's conspiracy.
Sulla, Cornelius, a freedman of the
dictator, ii, 29.
Sulpicius; Gaius Sulpicius Galus,
consul (166) ; famous astronomer,
I, 19; predicted an eclipse of the
moon.
Sulpicius; Publius Sulpicius Rufus
(124-88), an eminent orator of
little character, ii, 49.
Sungod ; see SoL
Superbus ; see Tarquin.
Syracuse, a great Greek city in
south-eastern Sicily, rich in art
and in goods; ruled by Dioii, i,
155; Dionysius, ii, 25; iii, 45; a
popular resort, iii, 58.
Tantalus, son of Zeus (Jupiter) and
father of Pelops {q.v.), iii, 84.
Tarquin; Lucius Tarquinius Super-
bus, the last king of Rome (535-
510), a cruel tyrant, expelled by
Brutus and CoUatinus, iii, 40.
Tarquins, the kinsmen of Tar-
quinius Superbus, all expelled
(510), III, 40.
Taxation, levying of, ii, 74.
Ternperance, the fourth Cardinal
Virtue, I, 93-151; definition, i,
93; the passions, i, 102; speech,
I, 103; vs. Justice, i, 159-160; es-
sential to success; ii, 77; vs.
apparent Expedioncy, iii, 116 fg.
Terence; Publius Terentius Afer
(195-159), a comic poet, friend
of Laelius and Scipio; six plays
are left; quotation from the
Heauton Timorumenus, i, 30; the
Eunuchus, i, 150.
Tliebe, daughter of Jason and wife
of Alexander of Pherae, ii, 25.
Thebes, the capital of Boeotia,
home of Pindar and Epaminon-
das, 1, 155.
Themistocles, brilliant statesman
of Athens, n, 16; gave Athens
her fleet and saved Greece at
Salamis (480), i, 75; consummate
general, i, 108; not always scru-
pulous in his metbods, iii, 49;
his valuation of character, ii,
71.
Theophrastus, of Lesbos, favourite
pupil and successor of Aristotle,
a marvellous teacher, master of
Demetrius of Phalerum, i, 3; a
prolific author; cited, ii, 56, 64.
Theopompus, of Chios (fourth cen-
tury), pupil of Isocrates, orator
and historian, ii, 40.
Thermopylae, a narrow pass on the
seashore between Thessaly and
Locris, held by Leonidas and his
three hundred against the hosts of
Xerxes (480), i, 61.
Theseus, the great legendary hero of
Athens, benefactor of the world;
uniter of Athens and Attica;
father of Hippolytus {q.v.) by
Antiope; husband of Phaedra;
his son's death, i, 32 ; iii, 94.
Thrace, the vast country north of
the Aegean; though the home of
Orpheus, Linus, etc, it was gener-
ally considered barbarous, ii, 25.
Thyestes, son of Pelops and brother
of Atreus {q.v.), (iii, 102).
Timotheus, admiral of the Athenian
fleet (378-356), compared with his
father Conon, i, 116.
Torquatus ; see Manlius.
Trades; see Vocation.
Troezen, a city of Argolis, near the
shore opposite Aegina ; the asylura
of the Athenians at the approach
of Xerxes, iii, 48.
Trusts, when not to be restored, iii,
95.
Truth, the search af ter, i, 13.
Tubero, Quintus Aelius, the Stoic,
a pupil of Panaetius, praetor
(123); a talented jurist, iii, 63.
Tusculum, a town in the Alban hills,
the oldest municipium in Italy,
admitted (381), i, 35 ; public lands
of, 1, 21 ; Cicero's favourite coun-
try home.
Twelve Tables.the laws of, drawn up
(450) ; quoted, i, 37 ; iii, 111.
Tyranny, ii, 23-29 ; inspired by false
perspective, iii, 36 ; right and duty
toward the tyrant, iii, 19, 85.
Tyre, the great commercial city on
the coast of Phoenice, ii, 86.
Ulysses (Odysseus), son of Laerte»
423
INDEX
of Ithaca, the shrewdest of the
Greek heroes at Troy, iii, 97 • the
hero of the Odyssey, i, 113 '
Varro, Gaius Terentius, consul (216)
with Paulus, responsible for the
disaster at Cannae, iii, 114.
Venus (Aphrodite), the goddess of
beauty and love; of Cos, iii 10
Vesens, a little stream near Mount
Vesuvius; scene of the battle of
Manlius Torquatus and the elder
Decius, III, li2.
Veturius; Titus Vcturius Calvinus,
consul with Spurius Postumius
(321) at the Caudine Forlcs, m,
Vice, luxurious living, i, 123; sen-
sual pleasure, i, 102, 104-106
122-123; II, 37; avarice, 11 77-
extravagance, i, 140; mlsrepre-
seatation, i, 150; untruth, i, 150;
corrected by obsorving others i'
146; by the criticisra of the wise.
1, 147.
Viriathus, 11, 40.
Vi tue, defined, 11, ig; chief
function of, 11, 17; the four Car-
dinal Virtues described, i, 15-17;
the sources of moral rectitude, i'
152; III, 96; Nature's leadings to,
I, 100; endangered by sensual
pleasure, 11, 37; rulers chosen for
n, 41. '
V)cation, choice of, i, 115-120-
change of, i, 120-121; vulgar and
liberal, i, 150-152.
Volscians, a people of lower Latium
subdued (303), given full citizeii-
ship (188), I, 35.
War, rights of, to be enforced, 1, 34 ;
Cato's son, i, 36-37; excuse foi
war, I, 35, 80; justice in war, i
38; war for supremacy, i, 38; foi
glory, I, 38; needless cruelty, i
Wealth, Theophrastus on, 11, 56 ; in-
satiable thirst for, i, 25- why
sought, I, 25-27; the real good o)
wealth, II, 56 ; see Riches.
Wisdom, the first of the Cardinal
Virtues, 1, 15-19; most important,
I, 153; 11, 6; absolute, iii, 16; and
propriety, i, 94, 100; vs. Justice,
I, 152-157, 160; confounded with
cunning, 11, 10; iii, 72, 96; in
Epicurus'ssystem, iii, 117.
Wit, kinds of, i, 103-104 ; representa-
tives of, 1, 108.
Xanthippus, a Spartan soldier 01
fortune, whose generalship de-
feated Regulus, iii, 99.
Xenocrates, of Chalcedon (396-314),
a pupil of Plato, president of the
Academy, industrious and severe.
1, 109.
Xenophon, soldier, historian, dis-
ciple of Socrates, 11, 87 ; the story
of Hercules's choice, i, 118.
Xerxes, king of Persia (485-46:-)),
son of Darius, invaded Gretre
(480), came to grief at Salamis
and Plataea, iii, 48.
Youth, duties peculiar to, i, 123;
II, 52; time for choosing pro-
fession, i, 117.
Zeno, of Cytium (fourth century),
pupil of Crates the Cynic and
founder of the Stoic school (see
Stoics), III, 35.
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